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Taking guns off the streets
The Guardian
Letters and emails p. 33
19 February 2007
The Guardian
p. 34 6 March 2007
The Guardian
p. 34 28 February 2007
The Guardian
p. 34 6 January 2007
The Guardian
p. 32 15 January 2007
The Guardian
Office Hours p. 1
15 January 2007
Fighting ISIS
as It Shifts Tactics
JULY 5, 2016
The New York Times
The Opinion Pages | Editorial
By THE EDITORIAL BOARD
The Islamic State extended its bloody rampage with a suicide
bombing in Baghdad on Sunday that killed more than 200 people, the deadliest
attack on the city since the 2003 American-led invasion. On Monday, three
smaller attacks on the Saudi Arabian cities of Jidda, Medina and Qatif were also
linked to the terrorist group. The recent violence, including in Turkey and
possibly in Bangladesh, may indicate some adjustment in the group’s tactics as
its fortunes decline on the battlefields.
The multipronged assault reflects the Islamic State’s growing desperation as it
loses the territory it seized in Iraq and Syria. An American-led coalition has
recaptured 20 percent of the ISIS-held land in Syria and 47 percent in Iraq,
including Falluja, which was taken back by Iraq’s beleaguered government last
month.
After the Baghdad attack, the government’s response was not encouraging. Prime
Minister Haider al-Abadi announced plans to speed up the execution of ISIS
members and some weak security measures. If Mr. Abadi cannot find ways to secure
Baghdad, pressure may grow to move army units to the capital from the
battlefield, where they are fighting ISIS. This would undercut plans by the
American-led coalition, including the Iraqi Army, to intensify efforts to retake
Mosul, a major city in the north that has been in ISIS’ hands for two years.
The latest attacks reveal an enemy that is adapting, becoming more sophisticated
than Al Qaeda, and nurturing a far-flung network of operations, including in the
West. A complex response is needed, but John Brennan, the Central
Intelligence Agency director, said last month that “we still have a ways to go
before we’re able to say that we have made some significant progress against
them.”
Bombing isn’t the only recourse. Improved intelligence, coordinated
operations to find terrorists before they strike and better strategies to
counter extremist propaganda are equally needed. A central problem remains
the tensions among countries in the region that have prevented a fully
coordinated response to the Islamic State threat. The recent attack on
Istanbul’s airport, which killed 44 people and authorities said was the work of
ISIS, should persuade Turkey, a NATO member, to get more involved in the
anti-ISIS fight, especially in Syria.
The Americans need to work more closely with Iran, the leading Shiite Muslim
country, against the Islamic State in Iraq. Iran on Tuesday condemned the
attacks against Saudi Arabia, its Sunni-majority rival, as well as those against
Shiite Muslims, and called for a united response to terrorism. Testy relations
between Iraq and Saudi Arabia have also undercut a coherent regional response to
the Islamic State, which wants to destabilize both governments. The risk is
especially acute for Mr. Abadi, who has long struggled to hold on to power
against challenges from other Shiite leaders. Sunday’s attack brought calls for
his resignation from a population fed up with violence.
Experts say the Islamic State will wither as it loses more territory. But even
then, it will no doubt continue to stage occasional attacks in Iraq and
elsewhere. If Mr. Abadi and other Iraqi leaders are to protect their people,
they will need the support of Iraq’s Sunni population, which remains
marginalized and susceptible to Islamic State propaganda. That is a central
political and security problem Iraq’s leaders have persistently failed to
remedy.
Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook
and Twitter (@NYTOpinion), and sign up for the Opinion Today newsletter.
A version of this editorial appears in print on July 6, 2016,
on page A20 of the New York edition with the headline:
Fighting ISIS as It Shifts Tactics.
Fighting ISIS as It Shifts Tactics,
NYT,
July 5, 2016,
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/06/
opinion/fighting-isis-as-it-shifts-tactics.html
Managing Pain and Opioid
Addiction
MAY 16, 2016
NYT
The Opinion Pages | Letters
Managing Pain and Opioid Addiction,
NYT, May 16, 2016,
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/16/
opinion/managing-pain-and-opioid-addiction.html
Making Schools Work
May 19, 2012
The New York Times
By DAVID L. KIRP
AMID the ceaseless and cacophonous debates about how to close
the achievement gap, we’ve turned away from one tool that has been shown to
work: school desegregation. That strategy, ushered in by the landmark 1954
Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education, has been unceremoniously
ushered out, an artifact in the museum of failed social experiments. The Supreme
Court’s ruling that racially segregated schools were “inherently unequal” shook
up the nation like no other decision of the 20th century. Civil rights
advocates, who for years had been patiently laying the constitutional
groundwork, cheered to the rafters, while segregationists mourned “Black Monday”
and vowed “massive resistance.” But as the anniversary was observed this past
week on May 17, it was hard not to notice that desegregation is effectively
dead. In fact, we have been giving up on desegregation for a long time. In 1974,
the Supreme Court rejected a metropolitan integration plan, leaving the
increasingly black cities to fend for themselves.
A generation later, public schools that had been ordered to integrate in the
1960s and 1970s became segregated once again, this time with the blessing of a
new generation of justices. And five years ago, a splintered court delivered the
coup de grâce when it decreed that a school district couldn’t voluntarily opt
for the most modest kind of integration — giving parents a choice of which
school their children would attend and treating race as a tiebreaker in deciding
which children would go to the most popular schools. In the perverse logic of
Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr., this amounted to “discriminating among
individual students based on race.” That’s bad history, which, as Justice
Stephen G. Breyer wrote in an impassioned dissent, “threaten[s] the promise of
Brown.”
To the current reformers, integration is at best an irrelevance and at worst an
excuse to shift attention away from shoddy teaching. But a spate of research
says otherwise. The experience of an integrated education made all the
difference in the lives of black children — and in the lives of their children
as well. These economists’ studies consistently conclude that African-American
students who attended integrated schools fared better academically than those
left behind in segregated schools. They were more likely to graduate from high
school and attend and graduate from college; and, the longer they spent
attending integrated schools, the better they did. What’s more, the fear that
white children would suffer, voiced by opponents of integration, proved
groundless. Between 1970 and 1990, the black-white gap in educational attainment
shrank — not because white youngsters did worse but because black youngsters did
better.
Not only were they more successful in school, they were more successful in life
as well. A 2011 study by the Berkeley public policy professor Rucker C. Johnson
concludes that black youths who spent five years in desegregated schools have
earned 25 percent more than those who never had that opportunity. Now in their
30s and 40s, they’re also healthier — the equivalent of being seven years
younger.
Why? For these youngsters, the advent of integration transformed the experience
of going to school. By itself, racial mixing didn’t do the trick, but it did
mean that the fate of black and white students became intertwined. School
systems that had spent a pittance on all-black schools were now obliged to
invest considerably more on African-American students’ education after the
schools became integrated. Their classes were smaller and better equipped. They
included children from better-off families, a factor that the landmark 1966
Equality of Educational Opportunity study had shown to make a significant
difference in academic success. What’s more, their teachers and parents held
them to higher expectations. That’s what shifted the arc of their lives.
Professor Johnson takes this story one big step further by showing that the
impact of integration reaches to the next generation. These youngsters — the
grandchildren of Brown — are faring better in school than those whose parents
attended racially isolated schools.
Despite the Horatio Alger myth that anyone can make it in America, moving up the
socioeconomic ladder is hard going: children from low-income families have only
a 1 percent chance of reaching the top 5 percent of the income distribution,
versus children of the rich, who have about a 22 percent chance.
But many of the poor black children who attended desegregated schools in the
1970s escaped from poverty, and their offspring have maintained that advantage.
Of course desegregation was not a cure-all. While the achievement gap and the
income gap narrowed during the peak era of desegregation, white children
continued to do noticeably better. That’s to be expected, for schools can’t hope
to overcome the burdens of poverty or the lack of early education, which puts
poor children far behind their middle-class peers before they enter
kindergarten. And desegregation was too often implemented in ham-handed fashion,
undermining its effectiveness. Adherence to principle trumped good education, as
students were sent on school buses simply to achieve the numerical goal of
racial balance. Understandably, that aroused opposition, and not only among
those who thought desegregation was a bad idea. Despite its flaws, integration
is as successful an educational strategy as we’ve hit upon. As the U.C.L.A.
political scientist Gary Orfield points out, “On some measures the racial
achievement gaps reached their low point around the same time as the peak of
black-white desegregation in the late 1980s.”
And in the 1990s, when the courts stopped overseeing desegregation plans, black
students in those communities seem to have done worse. The failure of the No
Child Left Behind regimen to narrow the achievement gap offers the sobering
lesson that closing underperforming public schools, setting high expectations
for students, getting tough with teachers and opening a raft of charter schools
isn’t the answer. If we’re serious about improving educational opportunities, we
need to revisit the abandoned policy of school integration.
In theory it’s possible to achieve a fair amount of integration by crossing city
and suburban boundaries or opening magnet schools attractive to both minority
and white students. But the hostile majority on the Supreme Court and the
absence of a vocal pro-integration constituency make integration’s revival a
near impossibility.
David L. Kirp is a professor of public policy
at the University of California, Berkeley,
and the author of “Kids First:
Five Big Ideas for Transforming Children’s Lives
and America’s Future.”
Making Schools Work, NYT, 19.5.2012,
https://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/20/
opinion/sunday/integration-worked-why-have-we-rejected-it.html
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