History > 2007 > USA > The elderly (I)
In Hospice Care,
Longer Lives Mean Money Lost
November 27, 2007
The New York Times
By KEVIN SACK
CAMDEN, Ala. — Hundreds of hospice providers across the country are facing
the catastrophic financial consequence of what would otherwise seem a positive
development: their patients are living longer than expected.
Over the last eight years, the refusal of patients to die according to actuarial
schedules has led the federal government to demand that hospices exceeding
reimbursement limits repay hundreds of millions of dollars to Medicare.
The charges are assessed retrospectively, so in most cases the money has long
since been spent on salaries, medicine and supplies. After absorbing huge
assessments for several years, often by borrowing at high rates, a number of
hospice providers are bracing for a new round that they fear may shut their
doors.
One is Hometown Hospice, which has been providing care here since 2003 to some
of the most destitute residents of Wilcox County, the poorest place in Alabama.
The locally owned, for-profit agency, which serves about 60 patients, mostly in
their homes, had to repay the government $900,000, or 27 percent of its
revenues, from its first two years of operation, said Tanya O. Walker-Butts, a
co-owner. Its profits were wiped out in the time it took to open the demand
letters, Ms. Walker-Butts said.
Hometown paid its first assessment with a bank loan. When the bank declined
credit for the second year, the hospice structured a five-year payment plan with
the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, the federal agency that
administers the program, at 12.5 percent interest.
The next bill is expected any day.
“If they hit us with a number in the several hundred-thousand range, I just
don’t see how we can survive,” said Gaines C. McCorquodale, Hometown’s other
owner.
In the early days of the Medicare hospice benefit, which was designed for those
with less than six months to live, nearly all patients were cancer victims, who
tended to die relatively quickly and predictably once curative efforts were
abandoned.
But in the last five years, hospice use has skyrocketed among patients with less
predictable trajectories, like those with Alzheimer’s disease and dementia.
Those patients now form a majority of hospice consumers, and their average stays
are far longer — 86 days for Alzheimer’s patients, for instance, compared with
44 for those with lung cancer, according to the Medicare Payment Advisory
Commission.
The commission, which analyzes Medicare issues for Congress, recently projected
that 220 hospices — about one of every 13 providers — received 2005 repayment
demands totaling $166 million. The National Alliance for Hospice Access, a
providers’ group that is lobbying for a three-year moratorium on the
collections, places the numbers at 250 hospices and $200 million.
Because fewer than a tenth of all hospice providers have faced repayment,
Medicare officials suggest that management might have been an issue. But Lois C.
Armstrong, president of the hospice access alliance, said that if the cap on
Medicare reimbursements was not lifted, the availability of care would tighten
at a time when demand for hospice care was exploding and when new research
suggests it saves money for the runaway Medicare program.
Many elderly people here in the remotest reaches of the state’s Black Belt would
most likely live out their last days alone if not for Hometown Hospice nurses
like Meg Appel Youngblood.
One recent autumn morning, Ms. Youngblood forded the Alabama River by ferry and
set off on her rounds of the storied quilting enclave of Gees Bend, looking in
on old women who had grown too feeble to quilt or to care for themselves.
Inside a clapboard house, she checked the vital signs of Loretta L. Pettway, a
former farmhand whose stitchwork has been celebrated in postage stamps and
picture books, and found that her blood pressure was a bit high.
“Miss Loretta, have you had your medicine?” she asked, and Ms. Pettway, 65,
weary from chronic heart disease, shook her head no. “I didn’t think so,” Ms.
Youngblood said, as she started to inventory the 14 pill bottles Ms. Pettway had
stowed in a plastic bag.
Medicare’s coverage of hospice, which began in 1983, has become one of the
fastest growing components of the government’s fastest growing entitlement.
Spending nearly tripled from 2000 to 2005, to $8.2 billion, and nearly 40
percent of Medicare recipients now use the service.
To be eligible, patients must be certified by two doctors as having six months
or less to live, assuming their illness runs a normal course. They must agree
not to bill Medicare for curative procedures related to their diagnosis.
Medicare, which pays the vast majority of hospice bills, reimburses providers
$135 a day for a patient’s routine home care. The hospice is then responsible
for providing nurses, social workers, chaplains, doctors, drugs, supplies and
equipment, as well as bereavement support to the family.
Studies have reached various conclusions about whether hospice care actually
saves money, especially for long-term patients. But a new study by Duke
University researchers concluded that it saved Medicare an average of $2,300 per
beneficiary, calling hospice “a rare situation whereby something that improves
quality of life also appears to reduce costs.”
In 1998, Congress removed limits on the number of days that an individual could
receive Medicare hospice coverage, a move that encouraged physicians to refer
terminal patients.
But lawmakers did not remove a cap on the aggregate amount that hospice
providers could be reimbursed each year, a measure designed to contain the
program’s cost. A hospice’s total annual reimbursement cannot exceed the product
of the number of patients it serves and a per-patient allowance set by the
government each year ($21,410 in 2007).
For reasons that are not fully understood, problems with the cap have been most
prevalent at small, for-profit hospices in Southern and Western states like
Mississippi, Alabama and Oklahoma.
Those programs typically have had higher proportions of noncancer patients and,
thus, longer lengths of stay. But the Medicare advisory commission’s analysis
also determined that the average length of stay in the cap-busting programs was
significantly higher for all types of patients, including those with cancer.
Herb B. Kuhn, the deputy director of the Center for Medicare and Medicaid
Services, said that finding was attracting attention at the center, which is
eager to keep the hospice care benefit from morphing into a long-term care
entitlement. “Well over nine out of 10 hospices seem to be managing well,
including the ones in higher-wage areas, so it does raise an issue of
management,” Mr. Kuhn said. Mr. Kuhn said it remained a question whether hospice
care saved money, but called it “a wonderful benefit” that “probably needs
refinement” after nearly 25 years.
Among the matters meriting review, he said, is whether doctors have been
premature in certifying patients as terminal. Medicare has issued
disease-specific guidelines for the certifications, which must be made by both a
personal physician and the hospice medical director.
The medical director at Hometown Hospice, Dr. Sumpter D. Blackmon, said he
relied heavily on the judgment of the hospice’s nurses to determine whether
prospective patients were rather likely to live longer than six months. But of
the 56 patients on the books on Oct. 31, 17 had been there for at least that
period, including two for more than 500 days.
“Doing this for 40-something years,” said Dr. Blackmon, a longtime physician
here, “every time I think somebody is going to die tomorrow, damned if they
don’t live for a year and a half.”
A number of hospice providers said ethical and legal constraints would prevent
them from discharging patients who outlived their profit potential. But some
said they sometimes delayed admission for those patients with illnesses that
might result in longer stays.
Like other providers, Richard R. Slager, the chairman and chief executive of
VistaCare, which is based in Arizona and has programs in 14 states, said his
company now aimed its marketing at cancer patients.
“In communities where we have had cap issues, we have to really look hard for
shorter-length-of-stay patients to offset it,” Mr. Slager said. “It’s a
never-ending nightmare.”
After being hit with $200 million in cap charges over four years — the
equivalent of a year’s revenues — Mr. Slager said he chose to close or sell 16
of 58 hospices.
Some providers have survived only by aggressively recruiting new patients, using
this year’s Medicare reimbursements to pay off last year’s cap charges, while
stalling for Congressional relief. Ms. Youngblood, the Hometown Hospice nurse,
said that after she visited her charges — doling out their pills, and turning
the sweet potatoes in their ovens — she trolled for new patients at nursing
homes and senior centers.
At the small hospital here, she said, the nurses joke about her “marketing”
forays: “They’ll say, ‘Here comes Nurse Kevorkian. She has no shame.’ And I’ll
say, ‘Look, I have to have a paycheck, too.’”
In Hospice Care, Longer
Lives Mean Money Lost, NYT, 28.11.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/27/us/27hospice.html
Barely Getting by
and Facing a Cold Maine Winter
November 24, 2007
The New York Times
By ERIK ECKHOLM
MILBRIDGE, Me. — They have worked since their teens in backbreaking seasonal
jobs, extracting resources from the sea and the forest. Their yards are filled
with peeling boats and broken lobster traps.
In sagging wood homes and aged trailers scattered across Washington County, many
of Maine’s poorest and oldest shiver too much in the winter, eat far more
biscuits and beans than meat and cannot afford the weekly bingo game at the
V.F.W. hall.
In this long-depressed “down east” region, where the wild blueberry patches have
turned a brilliant crimson, thousands of elderly residents live on crushingly
meager incomes. This winter promises to be especially chilling, with fuel oil
prices rising and fuel assistance expected to decline. But many assume that
others are worse off than themselves and are too proud to ask for assistance,
according to groups that run meal programs and provide aid for heating and
weatherizing.
“One of our biggest problems is convincing people to take help,” said Eleanor
West, director of services for the Washington Hancock Community Agency, a
federally chartered nonprofit group. “I tell them, ‘You worked hard all your
life and paid taxes and are getting back a little of what you paid in.’”
Over the last half century, Social Security, Medicare and private pensions have
lifted most of the nation’s elderly. In 1960, one in three lived below the
poverty line; now fewer than one in 10 do. But in Washington County, the poverty
rate among those 65 and older is nearly one in five and many more live only a
little above the federal subsistence standard in 2007 of $10,200 for a single
person and $13,690 for two.
For thousands on fixed incomes, fuel assistance may decline while Social
Security checks are scarcely rising.
Viola Brooks, 81, worked in fish and blueberry factories while her husband
worked in textile and logging jobs. Now widowed, she gets $588 a month from
Social Security, supplemented by $112 in food stamps and one-time fuel aid of
more than $500 for the winter.
But this year, that fuel aid will not fill a single tank. The average house cost
$1,800 to heat last year, and minimal comfort this winter may require closer to
$3,000; trailers will require somewhat less. Electricity and rent already take
up most of Ms. Brooks’s income.
“I’m broke every month, and the trailer needs storm windows,” she said. “I cook
a lot of pea soup and baked beans and buy flour to make biscuits.”
“Some day I’d like to go to a hairdresser,” Ms. Brooks said of a dream deferred.
Still she says she enjoys her lovebirds and cats, and points out that “some
people have it worse.”
Jobs for the elderly, a growing trend nationwide, are virtually nonexistent in
these hamlets. Many people survive with help from a range of programs including
food stamps, Medicaid, disability and energy assistance; others suffer silently,
long used to hardship and fiercely independent.
In a pattern still common, older people here often held a series of seasonal
jobs, usually without benefits. They worked on lobster boats and dug clams or
bloodworms (to sell for bait) from spring to fall, raked wild blueberries in
August, harvested potatoes and then made Christmas wreaths for mail-order
companies to mid-December. Wives often worked in sardine canneries or in
blueberry processing.
“By their 50s, their bodies start breaking down,” said Tim King, director of the
community agency at its headquarters in Milbridge, adding that high rates of
smoking, obesity and diabetes also contributed to early aging. The aid programs
define those as 60 and over as elderly.
Because of their irregular careers and payments into the system, many people get
Social Security benefits far below the national average of more than $1,000 a
month.
Velma L. Harmon, a 79-year-old widow, receives only $220 a month from Social
Security and has a grand total of $85 to live on each month after she pays her
subsidized rent and utilities at her apartment complex in Machias, one of a
growing number of such federally aided facilities for the elderly.
She is grateful for free lunches provided by the Eastern Agency on Aging,
another government-financed group, but too proud to apply for food stamps that
would give her a bit more spending money. “Trying to buy Christmas presents,
that’s the hardest thing,” said Ms. Harmon, who has a mangled finger from her
years of snipping sardine heads in a canning factory.
The preoccupation right now is soaring fuel prices: cheaper natural gas is
unavailable in this region, and wood heat is often impractical or insufficient.
But because of limited federal money, average fuel assistance for the 46,000
low-income Maine families expected to apply will probably decline to $579 this
year, from $688 last year, said Jo-Ann Choate of the Maine State Housing Agency.
“Low-income people aren’t even going to be able to fill up a single tank of fuel
oil,” Ms. Choate said. “They already wrap themselves up in blankets during the
winter. This year they’ll be colder.”
The disabled, and there are many, may have it hardest. Dolly Jordan of Milbridge
has a history of two bad marriages, a bone-crushing auto accident and poor
health, and looks and feels older than 61. With osteoporosis, arthritis,
diabetes and obesity, she spends most of the day in a wheelchair and uses a
combination of a gripper, a broom and a cane to make her bed or hang her
laundry.
Come winter, she hangs a blanket over the front door of her little red wooden
house, where she has lived alone the last 10 years and which sits on concrete
blocks with no foundation. She turns the heat off at night to save fuel.
Her disability payment is $623 a month, plus she gets just $10 from the state
and $74 in food stamps. After paying the housing tax and her utility bills, she
said, she must watch every remaining penny. A daughter drives her to the distant
town of Ellsworth for cheaper shopping.
Like many, she keeps a police scanner on as a diversion and, unable to afford
cable, she watches the same videos over and over — her favorite is “On Golden
Pond.”
“I wish for bedtime to come,” she said. “The days are so long.”
Easing down a ramp to her mailbox is a perilous 15-minute ordeal. Still, she
said, “I wait for Fridays.”
“That’s junk-mail day, and I read all the ads. That’s my best day.”
She added, “There’s always older people out there who have it harder.”
Frederick and Kathleen Call, in Harrington, are in their 60s and live in a 1970s
trailer with buckling walls. They live on his disability check — he has had six
heart attacks — and food stamps and fuel assistance. Like many others in the
region, they buy all their clothes at a church-run thrift shop. They spend their
days playing board games and rummy and watching squirrels on their porch.
“We used to go to the food pantry for a free box,” Ms. Call said, “but I saw an
old woman who looked like she really needed it. She was thin and cold. I gave
her a blanket. We haven’t gone for free food for years.”
Some people here seem to have sunny outlooks no matter what. In the fishing
village of Jonesport, Elizabeth Emerson, 87, is hard of hearing and has a
titanium knee but is spry and irrepressively cheerful.
She lives in the tiny house her husband, a trucker, built in 1949, and has a
view of the gravestone where her name is already etched next to his. Having a
daughter nearby, and a total of 52 grand-, great-grand and
great-great-grandchildren, whose pictures fill the walls and the refrigerator
door, helps in ways practical and emotional.
Ms. Emerson said she “thoroughly enjoyed” the 25 years she spent working as an
aide in a nursing home, and she demonstrated the yodeling she used to perform on
command for one patient.
Each day she walks with her dog, Sabrina, down to the stony beach where her
family once swam. “I saw moose tracks the other day,” she exulted. “Here is
where I used to pick heather.”
With her Social Security payment of $683 a month, she refuses to feel
impoverished.
“I was never a person to be extravagant,” Ms. Emerson said, adding, “I don’t
play beano,” using the local term for bingo.
Besides, she said, she can still afford an indulgence here and there. “My
greatest vice,” she added, “is Hershey bars.”
Barely Getting by and
Facing a Cold Maine Winter, NYT, 24.11.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/24/us/24maine.html
Still Many-Splendored
Love in the Time of Dementia
November 18, 2007
The New York Times
By KATE ZERNIKE
SO this, in the end, is what love is.
Former Justice Sandra Day O’Connor’s husband, suffering from Alzheimer’s
disease, has a romance with another woman, and the former justice is thrilled —
even visits with the new couple while they hold hands on the porch swing —
because it is a relief to see her husband of 55 years so content.
What culture tells us about love is generally young love. Songs and movies and
literature show us the rapture and the betrayal, the breathlessness and the
tears. The O’Connors’ story, reported by the couple’s son in an interview with a
television station in Arizona, where Mr. O’Connor lives in an assisted-living
center, opened a window onto what might be called, for comparison’s sake, old
love.
Of course, it illuminated the relationships that often develop among Alzheimer’s
patients — new attachments, some call them — and how the desire for intimacy
persists even when dementia steals so much else. But in the description of
Justice O’Connor’s reaction, the story revealed a poignancy and a richness to
love in the later years, providing a rare model at a time when people are living
longer, and loving longer.
“This is right up there in terms of the cutting-edge ethical and cultural issues
of late life love,” said Thomas R. Cole, director of the McGovern Center for
Health, Humanities and the Human Spirit at the University of Texas, and author
of a cultural history of aging. “We need moral exemplars, not to slavishly
imitate, but to help us identify ways of being in love when you’re older.”
Historically, love in older age has not been given much of a place in culture,
Dr. Cole said. It once conjured images that were distasteful or even scary: the
dirty old man, the erotic old witch.
That is beginning to change, Dr. Cole said, as life expectancy increases, and a
generation more sexually liberated begins to age. Nursing homes are being forced
to confront an increase in sexual activity.
And despite the stereotypes, researchers who study emotions across the life span
say old love is in many ways more satisfying than young love — even as it is
also more complex, as the O’Connors’ example shows.
“There’s a difference between love as it is presented in movies and music as
this jazzy sexy thing that involves bikini underwear and what love actually
turns out to be,” said the psychologist Mary Pipher, whose book “Another
Country” looked at the emotional life of the elderly. “The really interesting
script isn’t that people like to have sex. The really interesting script is what
people are willing to put up with.”
“Young love is about wanting to be happy,” she said. “Old love is about wanting
someone else to be happy.”
That’s one way to look at it, at any rate. And it’s not just that relationships
are seasoned by time and shared memories — although that’s part of it, as is the
inertia the researchers call the familiarity effect, which keeps people from
leaving a longtime relationship even though he nags and she won’t ask for
directions.
It’s also that brain researchers say older people may simply be better able to
deal with the emotional vicissitudes of love. As it ages, the brain becomes more
programmed to be happy in relationships.
Researchers trying to understand aging and emotion performed brain scans on
people across a range of ages, gauging their reactions to positive and negative
scenes. Young people tended to respond to the negative scenes. Those in middle
age took in a better balance of the positive. And older people responded only to
the positive scenes.
“As people get older, they seem to naturally look at the world through
positivity and be willing to accept things that when we’re young we would find
disturbing and vexing,” said John Gabrieli, a professor of cognitive
neuroscience at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and one of the
researchers.
It is not rationalization: the reaction is instantaneous. “Instead of what would
be most disturbing for somebody, feeling betrayed or discomfort, the other
thoughts — about how from his perspective it’s not betrayal — can be
accommodated much more easily,” Dr. Gabrieli said. “It paves the way for you to
be sympathetic to the situation from his perspective, to be less disturbed from
her perspective.”
Young brains tend to go to extremes — the swooning or sobbing so characteristic
of young love. Old love puts things in soft focus.
“As you get older you begin to recognize that this isn’t going to last forever,
for better or for worse,” said Laura L. Carstensen, director of the Stanford
Center on Longevity and a research counterpart of Dr. Gabrieli’s in the brain
imaging research. “You understand that the bad times pass, and you understand
that the good times pass,” Dr. Carstensen said. “As you experience them, they’re
more precious, they’re richer.”
Of course, not everyone would show the emotionally generous response that
Justice O’Connor did. As Dr. Cole said, “I have many examples in my mind of
people who are just as jealous, just as infantile, just as filled with
irrationality when they fall in love in their 70s and 80s as she is
self-transcendent.”
And it still is possible to have a broken heart in old age. But in general, Dr.
Carstensen said: “A broken heart looks different in somebody old. You don’t yell
and scream and cry all day long like you might if you were 20.”
In one of the few cultural examples exploring old love — the film “Away From
Her,” based on an Alice Munro short story and released in the spring — the
starting point is similar to the O’Connors’ story. A man who cannot imagine life
without his sparkling wife of some decades watches her slip into Alzheimer’s and
then a romance with another patient in a nursing home. In the fictional example,
the spousal devotion is such that he arranges for her new boyfriend to return to
the nursing home after seeing how crushed she is when the man moves away.
But the story is more complex. The husband had a series of affairs years
earlier, so what seems like devotion is also a desire to pay her back and to
ease his own remorse.
For Olympia Dukakis, whose mother had Alzheimer’s and who played the wife of the
other man in the film, that wrinkle explains the resonance of Ms. Munro’s story.
“She was very aware that contradictory things live together,” Ms. Dukakis said.
“You can’t look at it and say he did it purely for love. It’s a complicated
issue, because there’s a lot of life that has been lived. It’s not going to be
simple.”
Still, for all those kinds of complications, those who study aging can only
smile at young lovers who say they never want to become like an old married
couple. Despite the popular preference for young love, the O’Connors’ example
suggests that we should all aspire to old love, for better and for worse.
“Young love is very privileged, and as a culture that may be a mistake,” Dr.
Pipher said. “If you want a communal culture where people make sacrifices for
each other and work for the common good, you would have a culture that
privileges the stories of older people.”
Those stories would not be without their troubles. But nor would they be without
rewards. “If you stay married,” Dr. Pipher said, “there’s riches in store that
nobody 25 years old can imagine.”
Love in the Time of
Dementia, NYT, 18.11.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/18/weekinreview/18zernike.html
Aging
and Gay, and Facing Prejudice in Twilight
October 9,
2007
The New York Times
By JANE GROSS
Even now,
at 81 and with her memory beginning to fade, Gloria Donadello recalls her
painful brush with bigotry at an assisted-living center in Santa Fe, N.M.
Sitting with those she considered friends, “people were laughing and making
certain kinds of comments, and I told them, ‘Please don’t do that, because I’m
gay.’”
The result of her outspokenness, Ms. Donadello said, was swift and merciless.
“Everyone looked horrified,” she said. No longer included in conversation or
welcome at meals, she plunged into depression. Medication did not help. With her
emotional health deteriorating, Ms. Donadello moved into an adult community
nearby that caters to gay men and lesbians.
“I felt like I was a pariah,” she said, settled in her new home. “For me, it was
a choice between life and death.”
Elderly gay people like Ms. Donadello, living in nursing homes or
assisted-living centers or receiving home care, increasingly report that they
have been disrespected, shunned or mistreated in ways that range from hurtful to
deadly, even leading some to commit suicide.
Some have seen their partners and friends insulted or isolated. Others live in
fear of the day when they are dependent on strangers for the most personal care.
That dread alone can be damaging, physically and emotionally, say geriatric
doctors, psychiatrists and social workers.
The plight of the gay elderly has been taken up by a generation of gay men and
lesbians, concerned about their own futures, who have begun a national drive to
educate care providers about the social isolation, even outright discrimination,
that lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender clients face.
Several solutions are emerging. In Boston, New York, Chicago, Atlanta and other
urban centers, so-called L.G.B.T. Aging Projects are springing up, to train
long-term care providers. At the same time, there is a move to separate care,
with the comfort of the familiar.
In the Boston suburbs, the Chelsea Jewish Nursing Home will break ground in
December for a complex that includes a unit for the gay and lesbian elderly. And
Stonewall Communities in Boston has begun selling homes designed for older gay
people with support services similar to assisted-living centers. There are also
openly gay geriatric case managers who can guide clients to compassionate
services.
“Many times gay people avoid seeking help at all because of their fears about
how they’ll be treated,” said David Aronstein, president of Stonewall
Communities. “Unless they see affirming actions, they’ll assume the worst.”
Homophobia directed at the elderly has many faces.
Home health aides must be reminded not to wear gloves at inappropriate times,
for example while opening the front door or making the bed, when there is no
evidence of H.I.V. infection, said Joe Collura, a nurse at the largest home care
agency in Greenwich Village.
A lesbian checking into a double room at a Chicago rehabilitation center was
greeted by a roommate yelling, “Get the man out of here!” The lesbian patient,
Renae Ogletree, summoned a friend to take her elsewhere.
Sometimes tragedy results. In one nursing home, an openly gay man, without
family or friends, was recently moved off his floor to quiet the protests of
other residents and their families. He was given a room among patients with
severe disabilities or dementia. The home called upon Amber Hollibaugh, now a
senior strategist at the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force and the author of
the first training curriculum for nursing homes. Ms. Hollibaugh assured the
79-year-old man that a more humane solution would be found, but he hanged
himself, Ms. Hollibaugh said. She was unwilling to identify the nursing home or
even its East Coast city, because she still consults there, among other places.
While this outcome is exceedingly rare, moving gay residents to placate others
is common, said Dr. Melinda Lantz, chief of geriatric psychiatry at Beth Israel
Medical Center in New York, who spent 13 years in a similar post at the Jewish
Home and Hospital Lifecare System. “When you’re stuck and have to move someone
because they’re being ganged up on, you put them with people who are very
confused,” Dr. Lantz said. “That’s a terrible nuts-and-bolts reality.”
The most common reaction, in a generation accustomed to being in the closet, is
a retreat back to the invisibility that was necessary for most of their lives,
when homosexuality was considered both a crime and a mental illness. A partner
is identified as a brother. No pictures or gay-themed books are left around.
Elderly heterosexuals also suffer the indignities of old age, but not to the
same extent, Dr. Lantz said. “There is something special about having to hide
this part of your identity at a time when your entire identity is threatened,”
she said. “That’s a faster pathway to depression, failure to thrive and even
premature death.”
The movement to improve conditions for the gay elderly is driven by
demographics. There are an estimated 2.4 million gay, lesbian or bisexual
Americans over the age of 55, said Gary Gates, a senior research fellow at the
Williams Institute at the University of California, Los Angeles. That estimate
was extrapolated by Dr. Gates using census data that counts only same-sex
couples along with other government data that counts both single and coupled gay
people. Among those in same-sex couples, the number of gay men and women over 55
has almost doubled from 2000 to 2006, Dr. Gates said, to 416,000, from 222,000.
California is the only state with a law saying the gay elderly have special
needs, like other members of minority groups. A new law encourages training for
employees and contractors who work with the elderly and permits state financing
of projects like gay senior centers.
Federal law provides no antidiscrimination protections to gay people. Twenty
states explicitly outlaw such discrimination in housing and public
accommodations. But no civil rights claims have been made by gay residents of
nursing homes, according to the Lambda Legal Defense Fund, which litigates and
monitors such cases. Potential plaintiffs, the organization says, are too frail
or frightened to bring action.
The problem is compounded, experts say, because most of the gay elderly do not
declare their identity, and institutions rarely make an effort to find out who
they are to prepare staff members and residents for what may be an unfamiliar
situation.
So that is where Lisa Krinsky, the director of the L.G.B.T. Aging Project in
Massachusetts, begins her “cultural competency” training sessions, including one
last month at North Shore Elder Services in Danvers.
Admissions forms for long-term care have boxes to check for marital status and
next of kin. But none of the boxes match the circumstances of gay men or
lesbians. Ms. Krinsky suggested follow-up questions like “Who is important in
your life?”
In the last two years, Ms. Krinsky has trained more than 2,000 employees of
agencies serving the elderly across Massachusetts. She presents them with common
problems and nudges them toward solutions.
A gay man fired his home health aide. Did the case manager ask why? The patient
might be receiving unwanted Bible readings from someone who thinks homosexuality
is a sin. What about a lesbian at an assisted-living center refusing visitors?
Maybe she is afraid that her friends’ appearance will give her away to fellow
residents.
“We need to be open and sensitive,” Ms. Krinsky said, “but not wrap them in a
rainbow flag and make them march in a parade.”
Some of the gay elderly chose openness as the quickest and most painless way of
finding compassionate care. That is the case for Bruce Steiner, 76, of Sudbury,
Mass., whose 71-year-old partner, Jim Anthony, has had Alzheimer’s disease for
more than a decade and can no longer feed himself or speak.
Mr. Steiner is resisting a nursing home for Mr. Anthony, even after several
hospitalizations last year. The care had been uneven, Mr. Steiner said, and it
was unclear whether homosexuality was a factor. But Mr. Steiner decided to take
no chances and hired a gay case manager who helped him “do some filtering.”
They selected a home care agency with a reputation for treating gay clients
well. Preparing for an unknown future, Mr. Steiner also visited several nursing
homes, “giving them the opportunity to encourage or discourage me.” His favorite
“is one run by the Carmelite sisters, of all things, because they had a sense of
humor.”
They are the exception, not the rule.
Jalna Perry, a 77-year-old lesbian and psychiatrist in Boston, is out, she said,
but does not broadcast the fact, which would feel unnatural to someone of her
generation. Dr. Perry, who uses a wheelchair, has spent time in assisted-living
centers and nursing homes. There, she said, her guard was up all the time.
Dr. Perry came out to a few other residents in the assisted-living center —
artsy, professional women who she figured would accept her. But even with them,
she said, “You don’t talk about gay things.” Mostly, she kept to herself. “You
size people up,” Dr. Perry said. “You know the activities person is a lesbian;
that’s a quick read.”
Trickier was an aide who was gentle with others but surly and heavy-handed when
helping Dr. Perry with personal tasks. Did the aide suspect and disapprove? With
a male nurse who was gay, Dr. Perry said she felt “extremely comfortable.”
“Except for that nurse, I was very lonely,” she said. “It would have been nice
if someone else was out among the residents.”
Such loneliness is a source of dread to the members of the Prime Timers, a
Boston social group for older gay men. Among the regulars, who meet for lunch
once a week, are Emile Dufour, 70, a former priest, and Fred Riley, 75, who has
a 30-year heterosexual marriage behind him. The pair have been together for two
decades and married in 2004. But their default position, should they need
nursing care, will be to hide their gayness, as they did for half a lifetime,
rather than face slurs and whispers.
“As strong as I am today,” Mr. Riley said, “when I’m at the gate of the nursing
home, the closet door is going to slam shut behind me.”
Dan Frosch contributed reporting.
Aging and Gay, and Facing Prejudice in Twilight, NYT,
9.10.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/10/09/us/09aged.html?hp
Bilking the Elderly,
With a Corporate Assist
May 20, 2007
The New York Times
By CHARLES DUHIGG
The thieves operated from small offices in Toronto and hangar-size rooms in
India. Every night, working from lists of names and phone numbers, they called
World War II veterans, retired schoolteachers and thousands of other elderly
Americans and posed as government and insurance workers updating their files.
Then, the criminals emptied their victims’ bank accounts.
Richard Guthrie, a 92-year-old Army veteran, was one of those victims. He ended
up on scam artists’ lists because his name, like millions of others, was sold by
large companies to telemarketing criminals, who then turned to major banks to
steal his life’s savings.
Mr. Guthrie, who lives in Iowa, had entered a few sweepstakes that caused his
name to appear in a database advertised by infoUSA, one of the largest compilers
of consumer information. InfoUSA sold his name, and data on scores of other
elderly Americans, to known lawbreakers, regulators say.
InfoUSA advertised lists of “Elderly Opportunity Seekers,” 3.3 million older
people “looking for ways to make money,” and “Suffering Seniors,” 4.7 million
people with cancer or Alzheimer’s disease. “Oldies but Goodies” contained
500,000 gamblers over 55 years old, for 8.5 cents apiece. One list said: “These
people are gullible. They want to believe that their luck can change.”
As Mr. Guthrie sat home alone — surrounded by his Purple Heart medal, photos of
eight children and mementos of a wife who was buried nine years earlier — the
telephone rang day and night. After criminals tricked him into revealing his
banking information, they went to Wachovia, the nation’s fourth-largest bank,
and raided his account, according to banking records.
“I loved getting those calls,” Mr. Guthrie said in an interview. “Since my wife
passed away, I don’t have many people to talk with. I didn’t even know they were
stealing from me until everything was gone.”
Telemarketing fraud, once limited to small-time thieves, has become a global
criminal enterprise preying upon millions of elderly and other Americans every
year, authorities say. Vast databases of names and personal information, sold to
thieves by large publicly traded companies, have put almost anyone within reach
of fraudulent telemarketers. And major banks have made it possible for criminals
to dip into victims’ accounts without their authorization, according to court
records.
The banks and companies that sell such services often confront evidence that
they are used for fraud, according to thousands of banking documents, court
filings and e-mail messages reviewed by The New York Times.
Although some companies, including Wachovia, have made refunds to victims who
have complained, neither that bank nor infoUSA stopped working with criminals
even after executives were warned that they were aiding continuing crimes,
according to government investigators. Instead, those companies collected
millions of dollars in fees from scam artists. (Neither company has been
formally accused of wrongdoing by the authorities.)
“Only one kind of customer wants to buy lists of seniors interested in lotteries
and sweepstakes: criminals,” said Sgt. Yves Leblanc of the Royal Canadian
Mounted Police. “If someone advertises a list by saying it contains gullible or
elderly people, it’s like putting out a sign saying ‘Thieves welcome here.’ ”
In recent years, despite the creation of a national “do not call” registry, the
legitimate telemarketing industry has grown, according to the Direct Marketing
Association. Callers pitching insurance plans, subscriptions and precooked meals
collected more than $177 billion in 2006, an increase of $4.5 billion since the
federal do-not-call restrictions were put in place three years ago.
That growth can be partly attributed to the industry’s renewed focus on the
elderly. Older Americans are perfect telemarketing customers, analysts say,
because they are often at home, rely on delivery services, and are lonely for
the companionship that telephone callers provide. Some researchers estimate that
the elderly account for 30 percent of telemarketing sales — another example of
how companies and investors are profiting from the growing numbers of Americans
in their final years.
While many telemarketing pitches are for legitimate products, the number of
scams aimed at older Americans is on the rise, the authorities say. In 2003, the
Federal Trade Commission estimated that 11 percent of Americans over age 55 had
been victims of consumer fraud. The following year, the Federal Bureau of
Investigation shut down one telemarketing ring that stole more than $1 billion,
spanned seven countries and resulted in 565 arrests. Since the start of last
year, federal agencies have filed lawsuits or injunctions against at least 68
telemarketing companies and individuals accused of stealing more than $622
million.
“Most people have no idea how widespread and sophisticated telemarketing fraud
has become,” said James Davis, a Federal Trade Commission lawyer. “It shocks
even us.”
Many of the victims are people like Mr. Guthrie, whose name was among the
millions that infoUSA sold to companies under investigation for fraud, according
to regulators. Scam artists stole more than $100,000 from Mr. Guthrie, his
family says. How they took much of it is unclear, because Mr. Guthrie’s memory
is faulty and many financial records are incomplete.
What is certain is that a large sum was withdrawn from his account by thieves
relying on Wachovia and other banks, according to banking and court records.
Though 20 percent of the total amount stolen was recovered, investigators say
the rest has gone to schemes too complicated to untangle.
Senior executives at infoUSA were contacted by telephone and e-mail messages at
least 30 times. They did not respond.
Wachovia, in a statement, said that it had honored all requests for refunds and
that it was cooperating with authorities.
Mr. Guthrie, however, says that thieves should have been prevented from getting
access to his funds in the first place.
“I can’t understand why they were allowed inside my account,” said Mr. Guthrie,
who lives near Des Moines. “I just chatted with this woman for a few minutes,
and the next thing I knew, they took everything I had.”
Sweepstakes a Common Tactic
Investigators suspect that Mr. Guthrie’s name first appeared on a list used by
scam artists around 2002, after he filled out a few contest entries that asked
about his buying habits and other personal information.
He had lived alone since his wife died. Five of his eight children had moved
away from the farm. Mr. Guthrie survived on roughly $800 that he received from
Social Security each month. Because painful arthritis kept him home, he spent
many mornings organizing the mail, filling out sweepstakes entries and listening
to big-band albums as he chatted with telemarketers.
“I really enjoyed those calls,” Mr. Guthrie said. “One gal in particular loved
to hear stories about when I was younger.”
Some of those entries and calls, however, were intended solely to create
databases of information on millions of elderly Americans. Many sweepstakes were
fakes, investigators say, and existed only to ask entrants about shopping
habits, religion or other personal details. Databases of such responses can be
profitably sold, often via electronic download, through list brokers like Walter
Karl Inc., a division of infoUSA.
The list brokering industry has existed for decades, primarily serving
legitimate customers like magazine and catalog companies. InfoUSA, one of the
nation’s largest list brokers and a publicly held company, matches buyers and
sellers of data. The company maintains records on 210 million Americans,
according to its Web site. In 2006, it collected more than $430 million from
clients like Reader’s Digest, Publishers Clearinghouse and Condé Nast.
But infoUSA has also helped sell lists to companies that were under
investigation or had been prosecuted for fraud, according to records collected
by the Iowa attorney general. Those records stemmed from a now completed
investigation of a suspected telemarketing criminal.
By 2004, Mr. Guthrie’s name was part of a list titled “Astroluck,” which
included 19,000 other sweepstakes players, Iowa’s records show. InfoUSA sold the
Astroluck list dozens of times, to companies including HMS Direct, which
Canadian authorities had sued the previous year for deceptive mailings; Westport
Enterprises, the subject of consumer complaints in Kansas, Connecticut and
Missouri; and Arlimbow, a European company that Swiss authorities were
prosecuting at the time for a lottery scam.
(In 2005, HMS’s director was found not guilty on a technicality. Arlimbow was
shut down in 2004. Those companies did not return phone calls. Westport
Enterprises said it has resolved all complaints, complies with all laws and
engages only in direct-mail solicitations.)
Records also indicate that infoUSA sold thousands of other elderly Americans’
names to Windfall Investments after the F.B.I. had accused the company in 2002
of stealing $600,000 from a California woman.
Between 2001 and 2004, infoUSA also sold lists to World Marketing Service, a
company that a judge shut down in 2003 for running a lottery scam; to Atlas
Marketing, which a court closed in 2006 for selling $86 million of bogus
business opportunities; and to Emerald Marketing Enterprises, a Canadian firm
that was investigated multiple times but never charged with wrongdoing.
The investigation of Windfall Investments was closed after its owners could not
be located. Representatives of Windfall Investments, World Marketing Services,
Atlas Marketing and Emerald Marketing Enterprises could not be located or did
not return calls.
The Federal Trade Commission’s rules prohibit list brokers from selling to
companies engaged in obvious frauds. In 2004, the agency fined three brokers
accused of knowingly, or purposely ignoring, that clients were breaking the law.
The Direct Marketing Association, which infoUSA belongs to, requires brokers to
screen buyers for suspicious activity.
But internal infoUSA e-mail messages indicate that employees did not abide by
those standards. In 2003, two infoUSA employees traded e-mail messages
discussing the fact that Nevada authorities were seeking Richard Panas, a
frequent infoUSA client, in connection with a lottery scam.
“This kind of behavior does not surprise me, but it adds to my concerns about
doing business with these people,” an infoUSA executive wrote to colleagues.
Yet, over the next 10 months, infoUSA sold Mr. Panas an additional 155,000
names, even after he pleaded guilty to criminal charges in Nevada and was barred
from operating in Iowa.
Mr. Panas did not return calls.
“Red flags should have been waving,” said Steve St. Clair, an Iowa assistant
attorney general who oversaw the infoUSA investigation. “But the attitude of
these list brokers is that it’s not their responsibility if someone else breaks
the law.”
Millions of Americans Are Called
Within months of the sale of the Astroluck list, groups of scam artists in
Canada, the Caribbean and elsewhere had the names of Mr. Guthrie and millions of
other Americans, authorities say. Such countries are popular among con artists
because they are outside the jurisdiction of the United States.
The thieves would call and pose as government workers or pharmacy employees.
They would contend that the Social Security Administration’s computers had
crashed, or prescription records were incomplete. Payments and pills would be
delayed, they warned, unless the older Americans provided their banking
information.
Many people hung up. But Mr. Guthrie and hundreds of others gave the callers
whatever they asked.
“I was afraid if I didn’t give her my bank information, I wouldn’t have money
for my heart medicine,” Mr. Guthrie said.
Criminals can use such banking data to create unsigned checks that withdraw
funds from victims’ accounts. Such checks, once widely used by gyms and other
businesses that collect monthly fees, are allowed under a provision of the
banking code. The difficult part is finding a bank willing to accept them.
In the case of Mr. Guthrie, criminals turned to Wachovia.
Between 2003 and 2005, scam artists submitted at least seven unsigned checks to
Wachovia that withdrew funds from Mr. Guthrie’s account, according to banking
records. Wachovia accepted those checks and forwarded them to Mr. Guthrie’s bank
in Iowa, which in turn sent back $1,603 for distribution to the checks’ creators
that submitted them.
Within days, however, Mr. Guthrie’s bank, a branch of Wells Fargo, became
concerned and told Wachovia that the checks had not been authorized. At Wells
Fargo’s request, Wachovia returned the funds. But it failed to investigate
whether Wachovia’s accounts were being used by criminals, according to
prosecutors who studied the transactions.
In all, Wachovia accepted $142 million of unsigned checks from companies that
made unauthorized withdrawals from thousands of accounts, federal prosecutors
say. Wachovia collected millions of dollars in fees from those companies, even
as it failed to act on warnings, according to records.
In 2006, after account holders at Citizens Bank were victimized by the same
thieves that singled out Mr. Guthrie, an executive wrote to Wachovia that “the
purpose of this message is to put your bank on notice of this situation and to
ask for your assistance in trying to shut down this scam.”
But Wachovia, which declined to comment on that communication, did not shut down
the accounts.
Banking rules required Wachovia to periodically screen companies submitting
unsigned checks. Yet there is little evidence Wachovia screened most of the
firms that profited from the withdrawals.
In a lawsuit filed last year, the United States attorney in Philadelphia said
Wachovia received thousands of warnings that it was processing fraudulent
checks, but ignored them. That suit, against the company that printed those
unsigned checks, Payment Processing Center, or P.P.C., did not name Wachovia as
a defendant, though at least one victim has filed a pending lawsuit against the
bank.
During 2005, according to the United States attorney’s lawsuit, 59 percent of
the unsigned checks that Wachovia accepted from P.P.C. and forwarded to other
banks were ultimately refused by other financial institutions. Wachovia was
informed each time a check was returned.
“When between 50 and 60 percent of transactions are returned, that tells you at
gut level that something’s not right,” said the United States attorney in
Philadelphia, Patrick L. Meehan.
Other banks, when confronted with similar evidence, have closed questionable
accounts. But Wachovia continued accepting unsigned checks printed by P.P.C.
until the government filed suit in 2006.
Wachovia declined to respond to the accusations in the lawsuit, citing the
continuing civil litigation.
Although Wachovia is the largest bank that processed transactions that stole
from Mr. Guthrie, at least five other banks accepted 31 unsigned checks that
withdrew $9,228 from his account. Nearly every time, Mr. Guthrie’s bank told
those financial institutions the checks were fraudulent, and his money was
refunded. But few investigated further.
The suit against P.P.C. ended in February. A court-appointed receiver will
liquidate the firm and make refunds to consumers. P.P.C.’s owners admitted no
wrongdoing.
Wachovia was asked in detail about its relationship with P.P.C., the withdrawals
from Mr. Guthrie’s account and the accusations in the United States attorney’s
lawsuit. The company declined to comment, except to say: “Wachovia works
diligently to detect and end fraudulent use of its accounts. During the time
P.P.C. was a customer, Wachovia honored all requests for returns related to the
P.P.C. accounts, which in turn protected consumers from loss.”
Prosecutors argue that many elderly accountholders never realized Wachovia had
processed checks that withdrew from their accounts, and so never requested
refunds. Wachovia declined to respond.
The bank’s statement continued: “Wachovia is cooperating fully with authorities
on this matter.”
Some Afraid to Seek Help
By 2005, Mr. Guthrie was in dire straits. When tellers at his bank noticed
suspicious transactions, they helped him request refunds. But dozens of
unauthorized withdrawals slipped through. Sometimes, he went to the grocery
store and discovered that he could not buy food because his account was empty.
He didn’t know why. And he was afraid to seek help.
“I didn’t want to say anything that would cause my kids to take over my
accounts,” he said. Such concerns play into thieves’ plans, investigators say.
“Criminals focus on the elderly because they know authorities will blame the
victims or seniors will worry about their kids throwing them into nursing
homes,” said C. Steven Baker, a lawyer with the Federal Trade Commission.
“Frequently, the victims are too distracted from dementia or Alzheimer’s to
figure out something’s wrong.”
Within a few months, Mr. Guthrie’s children noticed that he was skipping meals
and was behind on bills. By then, all of his savings — including the proceeds of
selling his farm and money set aside to send great-grandchildren to college —
was gone.
State regulators have tried to protect victims like Mr. Guthrie. In 2005,
attorneys general of 35 states urged the Federal Reserve to end the unsigned
check system.
“Such drafts should be eliminated in favor of electronic funds transfers that
can serve the same payment function” but are less susceptible to manipulation,
they wrote.
But the Federal Reserve disagreed. It changed its rules to place greater
responsibility on banks that first accept unsigned checks, but has permitted
their continued use.
Today, just as he feared, Mr. Guthrie’s financial freedom is gone. He gets a
weekly $50 allowance to buy food and gasoline. His children now own his home,
and his grandson controls his bank account. He must ask permission for large or
unusual purchases.
And because he can’t buy anything, many telemarketers have stopped calling.
“It’s lonelier now,” he said at his kitchen table, which is crowded with mail.
“I really enjoy when those salespeople call. But when I tell them I can’t buy
anything now, they hang up. I miss the good chats we used to have.”
Bilking the Elderly,
With a Corporate Assist, NYT, 20.5.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/05/20/business/20tele.html?hp
Cool Reception for Plan
to Let Elderly Ride Free
May 13, 2007
The New York Times
By ALISON LEIGH COWAN
STAMFORD, Conn, May 11 — To many commuters in Connecticut, the state’s
overworked mass transit system would be vastly improved by an infusion of new
rail cars providing more seats and new bus routes to cover more ground.
But to Senator Donald E. Williams Jr., the system would also benefit from the
infusion of something old, namely more residents 65 and older. Lots of them.
Mr. Williams, the president pro tem of the State Senate, introduced a measure
now before the General Assembly that would let elderly residents ride free on
trains and buses during off-peak hours.
Yet the Connecticut chapter of AARP is not lobbying for the free ride — “It
wasn’t our proposal,” said John Erlingheuser, the group’s advocacy director —
preferring that the money to go toward shoring up a different program already in
place.
That, and the opposition of a statewide commuter organization, has not stopped
Mr. Williams, a Democrat from the rural town of Brooklyn on the eastern fringe
of the state, from pressing ahead.
Mass transit agencies around the country are offering discounted fares to
elderly residents, from Charlotte, N. C., to Portland, Ore., which
diplomatically calls its program an “honored citizens” fare.
Yet few, if any, places have gone as far as Pennsylvania did in 1973, when it
introduced free rides for elderly residents at off-peak times, subsidizing the
program with funds from the state-run lottery.
“My understanding is that it’s the only state that does that,” said Virginia
Miller, a spokeswoman for the American Passenger Transport Association in
Washington, which represents transit agencies.
In Connecticut , the measure introduced by Senator Williams, which would cost
the state an estimated $9.7 million a year, is being debated as part of the
budget-wrangling in Hartford.
Because his party holds a veto-proof majority in both houses, bills that carry
Senator’s Williams’s imprimatur have a good chance of becoming law, whether or
not Gov. M. Jodi Rell or her fellow Republicans agree with them. In this case,
the governor’s spokesman, Chris Cooper, said that Governor Rell was interested
in seeing the final language but had qualms about the cost of the program and
the risk that it could cause overcrowding on buses and trains.
For now, Senator Williams shows little sign of retreating. In his view, offering
the state’s 480,000 elderly residents a powerful incentive to board buses and
trains is “a natural idea” that helps maintain the independence of people who
have given up driving and eases traffic congestion.
In addition, he said that by having more elderly residents using the trains and
buses, “We build a stronger and more powerful constituency for improvement and
expansion of public transportation.”
Mr. Erlingheuser said his group would rather see the proposed subsidies go
toward dial-a-ride services currently used in 136 Connecticut towns and cities,
which typically pick up and discharge elderly and disabled passengers at their
door and are credited with keeping many people from becoming housebound.
Sponsors of these programs were promised they could share up to $5 million a
year in matching state grants when the law was approved eight years ago, but for
six years legislators did not subsidize the program. They then appropriated only
$6.1 million for fiscal 2006 and 2007, leaving an anticipated $3.9 million
shortfall.
Without state funds, Mr. Erlingheuser said, operators of existing programs are
skittish about continuing, and the few dozen municipalities without programs are
sitting on the fence.
“At the end of the day, does anyone who is of a certain age need a free bus or
train ride?” Mr. Erlingheuser asked. “No. Are there people who have no access to
any transportation who face insurmountable obstacles? Yes.”
For its part, he said his group preferred “fully funding what we do know seniors
need and rely on before we start talking about other transportation proposals.”
Nor is that group the only one that is not sold on the free rides. At a public
hearing, Jim Cameron, a Darien resident who is chairman of the Connecticut Rail
Commuter Council, called the proposal a “feel-good bill based on a false
premise” that the rail system has any capacity to give away.
“In Hartford, on the bus, maybe there are empty seats,” Mr. Cameron said. “I can
tell you on Metro-North, whether it’s peak or off-peak, there are not empty
seats.”
He predicted ugly clashes between commuters paying hundreds of dollars for their
monthly tickets and affluent retirees from Greenwich or Darien riding the train
to New York free to see a Broadway show.
“I’m not insensitive to the seniors if they want to take the train,” Mr. Cameron
said, “but they’re not taking it every day, and they already get a 50 percent
fare cut.”
Another concern that has been raised is that the cost to taxpayers could balloon
if the giveaway proves too popular. The estimate prepared by the nonpartisan
Office of Fiscal Analysis in January that put the cost of the program at $9.7
million a year was made on the assumption that there would be “no significant
increase in overall ridership.”
The analysts factored in 1 million free rides on off-peak trains and 2 million
on buses, but they warned that “the estimate could significantly escalate” if
the program proved too popular.
Dan Brucker, a spokesman for the Metro-North Railroad in New York, which
operates the New Haven line for New York and Connecticut, said any decision to
allow the state’s elderly residents to ride free was strictly “a State of
Connecticut issue.”
“The cost of that missing revenue would have to be borne by the state of
Connecticut,” said Mr. Brucker, noting that Connecticut already shoulders 65
percent of the losses incurred by its interstate trains, and paid $52 million to
Metro-North last year as its share.
Senior citizens who had gathered at Stamford’s government center on Tuesday,
some to play bridge, others to have their blood pressure checked, practice their
tai chi and enjoy a subsidized lunch with friends, were divided on the wisdom of
the proposed legislation.
“Even if I don’t use it, I think it’s a valuable service,” said Rea Greenman,
87, a former customer service specialist.
But told that the association for retired persons preferred to finance the
dial-a-ride programs, Ms. Greenman cooled quickly on the notion of a free train
ride. “I really think the dial-a-ride is more important than the train,” she
said. “How often do senior citizens go out of town?”
Jim Goodridge, 95, was even more opposed to the proposal.
“What are the train people going to say if the trains are full of people and no
money?” Mr. Goodridge asked.
“Well, if it’s off-peak, no one should care,” countered Lois PontBriant, a
fellow bridge player.
“The trains are crowded now,” Mr. Goodridge said.
Many younger commuters approached at the Stamford train station were more
cavalier about the proposal.
“I don’t think it will appreciably add to the numbers riding the trains,” said
Richard Noyes, an executive with Cisco Systems. “It’s such a small issue — the
money — when we spend $10 million on pork projects.”
And boarding a New York-bound train, Steve Striffler said that even if he had to
stand once in a while, “I don’t oppose the elderly riding for free.” After all,
he said, “They’ve earned it.”
Ernie Matarasso, who described himself as an occasional rider, urged another
approach altogether.
“Do what they do with the museums,” Mr. Matarasso recommended. “Make it
voluntary. If a couple of wealthy people get on without paying, so be it. It’s
the advantage of being old.”
Cool Reception for Plan
to Let Elderly Ride Free, NYT, 13.5.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/05/13/nyregion/13seniors.html
Aged,
Frail and Denied Care
by Their Insurers
March 26,
2007
The New York Times
By CHARLES DUHIGG
CONRAD,
Mont. — Mary Rose Derks was a 65-year-old widow in 1990, when she began
preparing for the day she could no longer care for herself. Every month, out of
her grocery fund, she scrimped together about $100 for an insurance policy that
promised to pay eventually for a room in an assisted living home.
On a May afternoon in 2002, after bouts of diabetes had hospitalized her dozens
of times, Mrs. Derks reluctantly agreed that it was time. She shed a few tears,
watched her family pack her favorite blankets and rode to Beehive Homes, five
blocks from her daughter’s farm equipment dealership, content that she would not
be a financial burden on her family.
But when she filed a claim with her insurer, Conseco, it said she had waited too
long. Then it said Beehive Homes was not an approved facility, despite its state
license. Eventually, Conseco argued that Mrs. Derks was not sufficiently infirm,
despite her early-stage dementia and the 37 pills she takes each day.
After more than four years, Mrs. Derks, now 81, has yet to receive a penny from
Conseco, while her family has paid about $70,000. Her daughter has sent Conseco
dozens of bulky envelopes and spent hours on the phone. Each time the answer is
the same: Denied.
Tens of thousands of elderly Americans have received life-prolonging care as a
result of their long-term-care policies. With more than eight million customers,
such insurance is one of the many products that companies are pitching to older
Americans reaching retirement.
Yet thousands of policyholders say they have received only excuses about why
insurers will not pay. Interviews by The New York Times and confidential
depositions indicate that some long-term-care insurers have developed procedures
that make it difficult — if not impossible — for policyholders to get paid. A
review of more than 400 of the thousands of grievances and lawsuits filed in
recent years shows elderly policyholders confronting unnecessary delays and
overwhelming bureaucracies. In California alone, nearly one in every four
long-term-care claims was denied in 2005, according to the state.
“The bottom line is that insurance companies make money when they don’t pay
claims,” said Mary Beth Senkewicz, who resigned last year as a senior executive
at the National Association of Insurance Commissioners. “They’ll do anything to
avoid paying, because if they wait long enough, they know the policyholders will
die.”
In 2003, a subsidiary of Conseco, Bankers Life and Casualty, sent an 85-year-old
woman suffering from dementia the wrong form to fill out, according to a
lawsuit, then denied her claim because of improper paperwork. Last year,
according to another pending suit, the insurer Penn Treaty American decided that
a 92-year-old man had so improved that he should leave his nursing home despite
his forgetfulness, anxiety and doctor’s orders to seek continued care. Another
suit contended that a company owned by the John Hancock Insurance Company had
tried to rescind the coverage of a 72-year-old man when he was diagnosed with
Alzheimer’s disease four years after buying the policy.
In court filings, all three companies said the denials had been proper. They
declined further comment on the cases, though Bankers Life and John Hancock
eventually settled for unspecified amounts.
In general, insurers say criticisms of claims-handling are unfair because most
policyholders are paid promptly and some denials are necessary to root out
fraud.
In a statement, Conseco said the company “is committed to the highest standards
for ethics, fairness and accountability, and strives to pay all claims in
accordance with policy contracts.” Penn Treaty said in a statement, “We strive
to treat all policyholders fairly, and to deliver the best, most efficient
evaluation of their claim as possible.”
But policyholders have lodged thousands of complaints against the major
long-term-care insurers. A disproportionate number have focused on Conseco, its
affiliate, Bankers Life, and Penn Treaty. In 2005, Conseco received more than
one complaint regarding long-term-care insurance for every 383 such
policyholders, according to data from the insurance commissioners’ association.
Penn Treaty received one complaint for every 1,207 long-term-care policyholders.
(The complaints touch on a variety of topics, including claims handling, price
increases and advertising methods.)
By comparison, Genworth Financial, the largest long-term-care insurer, received
only one complaint for every 12,434 policies.
Conseco is among the nation’s largest insurers, collecting premiums worth more
than $4.2 billion in 2006, of which long-term-care policies contributed 21
percent. Penn Treaty focuses primarily on long-term-care products and collected
premiums of about $320 million in 2004, the last year the company filed an
audited annual report.
In depositions and interviews, current and former employees at Conseco, Bankers
Life and Penn Treaty described business practices that denied or delayed
policyholders’ claims for seemingly trivial reasons. Employees said they had
been prohibited from making phone calls to policyholders and that claims had
been abandoned without informing policyholders. Such tactics, advocates for the
elderly say, are becoming common throughout the industry.
“These companies have essentially turned their bureaucracies into profit
centers,” said Glenn R. Kantor, a California lawyer who has represented
policyholders.
Yet these concerns have been ignored by state regulators, advocates say, and
have gone unnoticed by federal lawmakers who recently passed incentives intended
to promote purchases of long-term-care policies, in the hopes of forestalling a
Medicare funding crisis.
Conseco and Bankers Life “made it so hard to make a claim that people either
died or gave up,” said Betty J. Hobel, a former Bankers Life agent in Cedar
Rapids, Iowa.
“When someone is 70 or 80 years old,” she said, “how many times are they going
to try before they just give up?”
A Race to
Sell Policies
When Mrs. Derks bought her long-term-care policy from a door-to-door salesman in
1990, she was unaware that she represented the insurance industry’s newest gold
mine.
Her husband had died eight years earlier of a stroke, leaving her to run a
barley farm in northern Montana, where she lived with her three children and her
aging mother. As she watched her own parent decline, Mrs. Derks became
preoccupied with sparing her children the expense of her final years.
“She was terrified that she would bankrupt us or get sent to a public nursing
home,” said Ken E. Wheeler, her son-in-law.
At the time, long-term-care policies, which can cover the costs of
assisted-living facilities, nursing homes and at-home care, were becoming one of
the insurance industry’s fastest-growing products. Companies like Conseco,
Bankers Life and Penn Treaty were aggressively signing up clients who were not
in the best health at rates far below their competitors’ in order to win more
business, former agents said. From 1991 to 1999, long-term-care sales helped
drive total revenue gains of roughly 500 percent each at Penn Treaty and
Conseco, including its affiliate Bankers Life.
Cracks in the business, however, soon started to appear. Insurance executives
began warning they had underestimated how long policyholders would live after
entering nursing homes. The costs of treating Alzheimer’s, Parkinson’s and
diabetes ballooned.
As insurers began realizing their miscalculations, they persuaded insurance
commissioners in California, Pennsylvania, Florida and other states to approve
price increases of as much as 40 percent a year.
By 2002, Conseco’s long-term-care payouts exceeded revenue. Those and other
disappointing results prompted the company to file for bankruptcy, from which it
emerged 10 months later.
That same year, Mrs. Derks entered Beehive Homes, a cheery, 12-bed center one
block from the Prairie View elementary school. In the previous four years, she
had been hospitalized more than two dozen times. She had once lain unconscious
in her living room for a day and a half. Her physician ordered her into an
assisted-living center.
Initially, Conseco told Mrs. Derks’s daughter, Jackie Wheeler, that her claim
would go through smoothly, Mrs. Wheeler said. The family began paying Beehive
Homes’s $1,900 monthly fee.
But three months after submitting her claim, Mrs. Derks received a letter from
Conseco saying she had waited too long, and her earliest costs would not be
reimbursed. Two months later, she received another letter denying her entire
claim because she had not submitted proof of illness.
Yet a copy of Mrs. Derks’s policy, sent to the Wheelers by Conseco in 2004 and
reviewed by The Times, mentions no requirement for proof of illness. The policy
requires only that the confinement be ordered by a physician, and it allows for
a notice of claim to be sent “as soon as reasonably possible.”
Mrs. Derks’s daughter called Conseco and explained that her mother could not
recall the date or people’s names and had started multiple fires by forgetting
to turn off the stove. She sent letters stating that her mother needed
assistance to dress, eat, go to the bathroom and inject insulin.
“This is medically necessary!!!” reads a form signed by Mrs. Derks’s physician
in 2004. “This has been filled out three times! This person needs assistance!”
Seven months later, Conseco sent another letter, this time denying Mrs. Derks’s
claim because her policy “requires a staffed registered nurse 24 hours per day.”
Her policy does not mention such a requirement.
Conseco also sent letters denying Mrs. Derks’s claim because her policy had an
“assisted living facility rider,” and because Mrs. Derks “does not have an
assisted living facility rider.” In all, the family received more than a dozen
letters from the company. Many contradict one another, and frequently cite
requirements that are nowhere mentioned in Mrs. Derks’s policy.
“There was always a new step in the runaround,” Mrs. Wheeler said. “It felt like
everything was designed to make me just go away.”
Over two years, Mrs. Wheeler estimated, she called the company about 100 times.
Twice a month, she sent envelopes stuffed with medical records. Some afternoons,
she spent hours making calls. After one conversation, Mrs. Wheeler slammed down
the phone and started to cry. Then she drove to Beehive Homes, where her mother
was surrounded by faded photos of her childhood and boxes of adult diapers.
“I wouldn’t tell her about the problems we were having with Conseco, because I
knew it would cause her so much worry,” Mrs. Wheeler said.
Eventually, the Wheelers sold part of their John Deere dealership to raise money
to pay for her mother’s care. In October 2006, they sued.
Conseco, asked by a reporter about the company’s handling of the Derks claim,
declined to answer, citing the pending litigation. In court documents, the
company denied Mrs. Derks’s allegations without specifying why her claim was
denied.
“We did everything they asked,” Mrs. Wheeler said. “And this company just treats
us like dirt.”
Tales of
Bureaucracy
Inside the large Conseco headquarters in Carmel, Ind., scores of employees
receive the flood of documents and calls that arrive each day. At times,
according to depositions and interviews, that deluge became so overwhelming that
documents were lost, calls went unreturned and mistakes occurred.
Some employees describe vast mailrooms where documents appear and disappear. One
call-center representative said he was afforded an average of only four minutes
to handle each policyholder’s call, no matter how complicated the questions.
Employees said they were instructed not to say when the company was behind in
processing paperwork, even when the backlog extended to 45 days. Workers were
prohibited from contacting each other by phone, although such calls might have
quickly resolved obstacles, according to depositions.
Conseco, asked in detail about the company’s policies, declined to respond.
Bureaucratic obstacles were pervasive, according to interviews with 10 former
Conseco employees and depositions of more than a dozen others. Robert W. Ragle,
a former Bankers Life branch manager, once contacted the claims department on
behalf of a client, and “they just laughed us off the phone,” he said. “Their
mentality is to keep every dollar they can.” Mr. Ragle was dismissed by Bankers
Life in 2002. He sued for wrongful termination and settled out of court.
In lawsuits, complaints and interviews, policyholders contend that Conseco,
Bankers Life or Penn Treaty denied claims because policyholders failed to submit
unimportant paperwork; because daily nursing notes did not detail minute
procedures; because policyholders filled out the wrong forms after receiving
them from the insurance companies; and because facilities were deemed
inappropriate even though they were licensed by state regulators.
In depositions conducted on behalf of angry policyholders, Conseco employees
described bureaucratic obstacles that prevented payment of claims. Those
depositions were sealed in settlement agreements but were obtained by The Times.
In a 2006 deposition, a Bankers Life and Conseco claims adjuster, Teresa
Carbonel, testified that she denied claims because of missing records but was
prohibited from calling nursing homes or physicians to request the documents.
She also testified that when a claim was denied, she was forbidden to phone a
policyholder, but instead used a time-consuming mailing system.
Ms. Carbonel’s testimony, recorded during lawsuit on behalf of a 94-year-old
policyholder, Rhodes K. Scherer, also disclosed that if policyholders did not
mail requested documents within 21 days, Conseco might abandon their claim,
sometimes without informing them.
In the case of Mr. Scherer, who was institutionalized after a bathroom fall, it
was difficult to obtain a response, Ms. Carbonel said, because the company’s
requests were mailed to his home address, rather than the nursing center where
the company had been notified that he had moved. Ms. Carbonel, who is no longer
with the company, did not return calls. Conseco declined to comment on her
testimony.
In another deposition, Conseco’s then-senior manager for long-term- care claims,
Jose S. Torres, testified that Conseco would sometimes withhold payments until
it received documents not required by customers’ policies. In Mr. Scherer’s
case, Mr. Torres said, the company refused to pay his nursing home costs unless
he sent copies of the home’s license, payment invoices and medical records, even
though those documents had no bearing on approving his claim.
Mr. Scherer’s claim “was handled not in the best way, but it was handled
according to the processes and procedures placed at the time,” Mr. Torres
testified. “Mistakes are going to be made, you know.”
Other executives testified that when Conseco appeared to have lost important
documents in Mr. Scherer’s claim, no investigation was initiated. Shawn Michael
Schechter, a Conseco claims supervisor who left the company in 2005 on positive
terms, according to the deposition, testified that the handling of Mr. Scherer’s
claim violated the principle of good faith, which requires insurance companies
to treat customers fairly.
“The claim adjuster could have made that very easy and not have put the burden
back onto the policyholder,” he testified.
Mr. Torres did not return calls. Mr. Schechter declined to answer questions.
Mr. Scherer died in 2004 without receiving benefits from Conseco. His estate
settled with the company in February for an undisclosed amount, according to a
lawyer representing the estate.
Conseco declined to discuss its complaint history or individual cases, citing
confidentiality agreements. In its statement, the company said that in 2006,
Conseco paid nearly $2.3 billion on 9.8 million claims in all types of insurance
sold by the company.
The company added: “Conseco, through training, education and process
improvements in all of its insurance companies, is continuously focused on
enhancing service and resolving any problems expeditiously. The Conseco
Insurance Group’s overall insurance department complaints decreased 20 percent
from 2005 to 2006.”
Depositions of executives at Penn Treaty also point to questionable practices.
In a 2005 lawsuit, a Penn Treaty senior vice president, Stephen Robert LaPierre,
testified that the company rejected one claim without informing the policyholder
why, asked for information that was not required to process a claim, gave
incomplete information about a claim’s status and said the company was delaying
payment because of an investigation while failing to take steps that might have
resolved the inquiry.
Mr. LaPierre declined to discuss his testimony. Penn Treaty settled the lawsuit
by paying the policyholder an unspecified amount, the policyholder’s lawyer
said.
Penn Treaty said in a statement that evaluating a company by measuring its
complaints was flawed, and that since 2003, the company has denied an average of
less than 1.7 percent of the up to 8,000 claims it received every year because
of reasons related to policyholder eligibility. “From time to time, Penn Treaty
is compelled to investigate fraud or questionable billing activities,” the
company added.
Few
Regulatory Inquiries
Few of the cases or complaints filed against Conseco, Bankers Life, Penn Treaty
or other insurers have received much attention, in part because many lawsuits
filed against long-term-care insurers have been settled with the requirement
that depositions, documents and settlement terms be kept confidential.
Frequently, say policyholders’ lawyers, the companies have been willing to pay
millions of dollars in exchange for confidentiality.
Furthermore, despite the complaints against long-term-care insurers, few states
have conducted meaningful investigations.
Ron Gallagher, a deputy commissioner with the Pennsylvania Insurance Department,
said, “I don’t know that we have a real problem with improper claim denials.”
Yet data from the National Association of Insurance Commissioners show that from
2003 to 2005, Pennsylvania received more complaints regarding Conseco, Bankers
Life and Penn Treaty than any other state. Mr. Gallagher said he might begin a
new review of those companies.
Other states with large numbers of long-term-care complaints, including
California, Missouri, Maryland, Indiana and Washington have not begun
investigations, or have reviewed only small numbers of policies.
As a result, other seniors may end up like Mrs. Derks.
While she was waiting for her lawsuit to proceed, Medicaid began contributing to
Ms. Derks’s care. Taxpayers now pay Beehive Homes about $32 daily for her care.
“Long-term-care insurance is supposed to result in less pressure on Medicaid,
not more,” said Ms. Senkewicz, the former executive at the insurance
commissioners’ association.
For Mrs. Derks’s family, things have already broken down.
“How many other people are out there who don’t have a family to fight for them
and have just given up?” asked Jackie Wheeler. “This company should be ashamed.”
Aged, Frail and Denied Care by Their Insurers, NYT,
26.3.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/26/business/26care.html?hp
New Options (and Risks)
in Home Care for Elderly
March 1, 2007
The New York Times
By JANE GROSS
Dr. Diane E. Meier, a geriatrician at Mount Sinai Medical Center in New York,
is an expert on end-of-life care. So when her elderly parents needed long-term
help at home with bathing, dressing and cooking after her father’s stroke, she
knew where to find assistance.
It was not through agencies in Manhattan that provide home health aides who are
bonded, insured and certified. A year of custodial care from such an agency
would cost her family $150,000, and in short order exhaust its savings because
aides are not covered by government assistance unless patients are poor or fresh
from a hospital stay.
Instead Dr. Meier turned to “a little list” of aides from the so-called gray
market, an over-the-back-fence network of women. They are usually untrained,
unscreened and unsupervised, but more affordable without an agency’s fee, less
constrained by regulations and hired through personal recommendation.
With 4.2 million Americans currently over 85 — a number expected to grow to 5.9
million by 2014 and then accelerate with the baby boom generation — the
exploding need for long-term care is remaking the home-care industry, driving
more of it underground. Gray-market hiring, fraught with risks, is a solution
that middle-class families are turning to as they face the crushing burden of
indefinite home-care expenses. But it is hardly the only one, as businesses rush
to meet the needs of these families, the fastest-growing segment of the
marketplace, who are intent on keeping their loved ones out of nursing homes.
Traditional agencies like the Visiting Nurse Service, founded to serve the poor
with all manner of home health care, are opening divisions geared toward clients
who must pay their own way. At VNS, 15 percent of clients now pay out of pocket,
an 11 percent increase over last year, and aides trained in wound care and vital
signs are also learning to interact with doormen, use espresso machines or
escort a client to the opera.
At the same time, upscale agencies providing trained aides are proliferating
solely for the private-pay market, as are national chains with more modest
services — and more reasonable prices. These franchises are intended for today’s
consumer of home health care who need simple companionship, reminders to take
medication, an escort to doctors’ appointments and help preparing meals.
The largest of these chains, Home Instead, opened in 1994 with six franchises
and now has 722. Their 37,000 part-time workers tend to the needs of 43,000
elderly clients. The advantage is a lower hourly fee — say, $15 an hour for
nonmedical needs vs. $20 an hour for a trained agency aide — and the
disadvantage a scramble to find more skilled help as a patient’s health
declines.
Policy experts worry that the new home health care businesses could put profit
above quality.
“Consumers are always in jeopardy when there’s an opportunity to make a lot of
money,” said Val J. Halamandaris, president of the National Association of Home
Care, who 40 years ago was chief counsel to the Senate Committee on Aging.
“Sometimes it works out beautifully, and sometimes it doesn’t. But nobody’s
policing it; that’s for sure.”
Gray-market hiring, which Dr. Meier says most of her patients choose, is largely
a financial decision to avoid the fees of home-care agencies, where perhaps $9
of the $20 hourly fee goes to the aide. In a gray-market arrangement, the aide
might get $12, a 33 percent increase — although sometimes without benefits,
worker’s compensation or Social Security — leaving a family able to afford
additional hours.
Many who have hired by word-of-mouth, without criminal background checks, and
paid directly cite the loyalty of employees and their ability to work unfettered
by regulations. Some agencies, for example, prohibit their aides from lifting a
patient who has fallen without calling 911 or getting approval from a
supervisor. That rule protects a client from being moved improperly, the aide
from injury and an agency from liability. But some families shudder at the
prospect of a loved one lying on the floor.
Many families worry more about temperament than tasks. Dr. Meier, and most of
her patients say that entrusting someone with intimate care is less a reasoned
decision than an intuition about character.
“You can teach someone how to turn a bed-bound person,” Dr. Meier said, “but you
can’t teach the milk of human kindness.”
Others say they chose gray-market employees if family members insisted upon
someone of the same race. That is why Michael Elsas, president of Cooperative
Home Care Associates in the Bronx, a worker-owned agency, turned to what he
called “the German au pair network,” rather than his own better-trained aides,
for his mother. But as her Parkinson’s disease progressed, Mr. Elsas said, the
au pairs were not up to the task. He hired two aides from his agency, keeping
one of the German women to placate his mother.
“The cost quadrupled,” Mr. Elsas said, to $1,400 a week, from $350.
Referrals from corporate employee-assistance plans and also coverage under
long-term care insurance are fueling the growth of the full-service agencies.
Senior Bridge, for example, has expanded from New York City to 18 suburban and
Sun Belt locations. And House Works in Boston, a boutique agency with fewer than
700 clients, has seen its gross revenue grow in six years to $9 million, from
$590,000.
According to the American Association of Long-Term Care Insurance, a trade group
for agents, more than one-third of the $63.3 billion in benefits paid in 2006
went toward home care. But policies differ in whether they cover only certified
aides or a broader menu including gray-market employees or companions. And state
insurance officials worry about the pressure to deny benefits as more
policyholders, now in their 50s and 60s, begin to make claims.
The demand for home care aides throughout the industry is expected to outstrip
supply. The Bureau of Labor Statistics counted 663,280 such aides in 2005, up
from 577,530 in 1999, a tally that does not include gray-market workers. But the
Census Bureau reports a stagnant number of women with little education, ages 25
to 54, the traditional labor pool for this occupation, just as the 85-and-over
population is soaring.
Innovators in the field are looking for ways to reduce turnover, estimated at 40
percent to 100 percent a year by various agencies. This so-called churn results
in an inexperienced and uncommitted work force.
The Service Employees International Union has been at the cutting edge of
creating a more stable pool of workers. In New York, Local 1199 unionized 60,000
home-care employees. Unionized aides, many of them former welfare recipients,
get a full array of benefits, rare in this industry, and opportunities to master
English, study nursing or learn computer skills.
One of the union’s newest offerings is a sort of consciousness-raising group,
focusing on self-esteem and a sense of community among otherwise isolated
workers. Last month, 13 aides from an agency in Queens shared their gripes with
a facilitator. Many had been summoned from clients’ homes just moments before
the workshop. This sort of administrative confusion was typical, they said, and
along with wages, which average $9.34 an hour nationwide, is their main
complaint. But aides also said clients criticized their broken English, refused
to eat their ethnic food, touched them inappropriately or assumed they would
steal.
The Visiting Nurse Service is raising its pay scale to $10 an hour by 2008.
Compensation will be tied to seniority, which VNS hopes will reduce turnover,
and to the completion of specialty training in areas like Alzheimer’s disease,
which will provide career ladders for aides.
By all accounts, there is only one training program in the country for
gray-market aides, at the Schmieding Center for Senior Health and Education at
the University of Arkansas. There, Dr. Larry Wright, a geriatrician, designed a
119-hour curriculum for independent contractors, most enrolled by private
employers. The course costs only $275, thanks to the subsidy of a benefactor.
Dr. Wright makes a case for buttressing the independent work force.
“If I saw agencies doing fantastic work, it would be one thing,” said Dr.
Wright, who says most agencies do little more than criminal background checks.
“But there’s not much value added and significant cost.”
Even the best-trained agency aides wind up improvising in the privacy of a
client’s home. It may be against the rules to escort patients in a private
vehicle or use their credit cards when shopping. But Mr. Elsas, of Cooperative
Home Care Associates, has no doubt it happens.
“The system depends on the good judgment and integrity of workers who may be
making $7 an hour,” he said. “What’s wrong with that picture?”
One effort to instill good judgment is a peer-mentoring program at Mr. Elsas’s
agency where senior aides make in-home visits to newcomers. But a home setting
precludes the oversight found in nursing homes, tightened after the scandals of
the 1970s. Setting national standards for agency employees, independent
contractors and even family caretakers is one goal of a conference in March at
the International Longevity Center in New York.
Sheila Baker, a geriatric social worker who has hired gray-market help for her
mother, prefers informal oversight. At Mount Sinai’s geriatric clinic, for
example, aides escorting patients to medical appointments are always asked to
leave the room long enough for the elderly person to speak freely about the
arrangement. And at Ms. Baker’s mother’s apartment, even with a gray-market aide
who was once a physician in the Philippines, Ms. Baker and her sister, a nurse,
make unannounced visits.
Larry Minnix, head of the American Association of Homes and Services for the
Aging, advocates national standards to prevent a repeat of the nursing home
scandals in the home-care arena. And he speaks from personal experience.
Before they died, Mr. Minnix’s in-laws were cared for at home by one beloved
aide hired from the gray market. That aide, in turn, hired friends for
additional help. One, who did yard work, had a criminal record. Another, with a
family of nine, ran up exorbitant grocery bills because she was taking most of
the food home. But his in-laws, Mr. Minnix said, were dependent on the original
aide and fearful of changing the arrangement.
“This could happen to anyone,” he said. “And it’s something the country doesn’t
know what to do about yet.”
New Options (and Risks) in Home Care
for Elderly, NYT, 1.3.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/01/us/01aides.html
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