History > 2007 > USA > Health (I)
Philip
Morris Parent
Pays Full $3.5 Billion to States
in ’98 Deal
March 31,
2007
The New York Times
By BLOOMBERG NEWS
Altria
Group Inc., parent of the world’s largest tobacco company, made its full payment
of $3.5 billion to states under a 1998 health care settlement, a move that may
bolster the prices of municipal bonds backed by the payments.
The payment includes $400 million that the Altria unit Philip Morris USA
disputes it owes, the company said yesterday in a statement distributed by
Business Wire.
“While it’s certainly positive news for the tobacco sector, I don’t believe it’s
a surprise to most investors,” said Mike Pietronico, a portfolio manager in New
York who oversees about $6.1 billion of municipal bonds for Evergreen
Investments.
The states have issued more than $40 billion of bonds payable from the proceeds
of the 1998 settlement. Under that deal, tobacco companies agreed to reimburse
states $246 billion for treating smoking-related illnesses.
Under the settlement, Philip Morris, Reynolds American Inc. and the Lorillard
Tobacco Company make payments to the states based on their market share. The
companies can seek to reduce their payments if they lose more than 2 percent of
their market share.
Last year, a report by the Brattle Group, a consulting firm, led Reynolds
American and Lorillard to put about $800 million of a total $2.7 billion of
annual payments in a so-called disputed-payments account. The report said the
companies had lost market share because of restrictions imposed under the
settlement. States are challenging the withholding.
Philip Morris did not divert any of its share into the account and will not this
year, the company said.
Philip Morris Parent Pays Full $3.5 Billion to States in
’98 Deal, NYT, 31.3.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/31/us/31altria.html
Living
With Alzheimer’s
Before a Window Closes
March 29,
2007
The New York Times
By JANE GROSS
Mary Blake
Carver gazes from the cover of a neurology magazine this month, under the
headline “I’m Still Here!” She often feels like shouting the message to her
friends, her children, her husband.
Ms. Carver, 55, is among the growing ranks of people in the early stages of
Alzheimer’s disease, when short-term memory is patchy, organizational skills
fail, attention wanders and initiative comes and goes. But there is still a
window of opportunity — maybe one year, maybe five — to reason, communicate and
go about her life with a bit of help from those around her.
Yet Ms. Carver is often lonely and bored. Her husband leaves her out of many
dinner table conversations, both say, because she cannot keep up with the normal
patter. He insists on buttoning her coat when she fumbles at the task. She was
fired as a massage therapist because she lost track of time. So Ms. Carver fills
her days by walking her neighborhood on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, always
with her dog, so she looks like “an ordinary person,” she said, not someone with
“nothing better to do.”
Five million people in the United States have Alzheimer’s disease, according to
a study last week by the Alzheimer’s Association. About half, 2.5 million, are
at the early stages of the disease, other studies have found, struggling to pass
for normal.
They are impaired but not helpless or demented, and now a growing number are
speaking out about how it feels to be them: Silenced prematurely or excluded
from decision making. Bristling at well-meaning loved ones who boss them around.
Seeking meaningful activities to fill their days.
Out of their individual frustrations, these patients are creating a grass-roots
movement to improve services and change public perceptions. And they are making
a mark.
Early stage patients like Ms. Carver, telling their own stories, have become
popular speakers at national conferences and persuasive lobbyists with state and
federal lawmakers. Closer to home, they are pushing for more patient support
groups, creating social networks and taking part in couples counseling to
restructure their marriages after diagnosis.
Rarely have ill spouses and well spouses participated in joint support groups
because of the widespread belief that their fears and frustrations are very
different and that Alzheimer’s patients were too far gone to benefit.
Historically, social service agencies have focused on the needs of caregivers.
But that, too, is changing. “We’ve given wide attention to the caregivers and
ignored the psychological and relational aspects of the lives of people with the
disease,” said Peter V. Rabins, a professor of psychiatry at the Johns Hopkins
University and a co-author of “The 36-Hour Day,” a guidebook for caretakers. “So
these are important steps toward redressing this imbalance.”
Ms. Carver’s husband, Stephen, an electrician at a Broadway theater, is mindful
that spouses — fearful and overwhelmed — can be insensitive and impatient as
their mates’ abilities decline.
“They can’t always follow what’s going on if there’s too much input,” Mr. Carver
said. “Their brains have to work so much harder, which tires them out, and their
logic isn’t always linear, so there’s a tendency to think they don’t comprehend.
I’m not a patient person by nature, and Mary’s losing her mental capabilities.
So I have to slow down and adapt. And I have to remind myself that she still has
feelings and perceptions. She still has an emotional life.”
Absent a cure, or more effective drugs, Alzheimer’s disease is a march to
oblivion. But the process can unfold over two decades. Patients at the front
end, said Paulette Michaud, manager of early stage services at the New York City
Alzheimer’s Association chapter, “lose the sense of independence and control
much more quickly than they need to because everyone focuses on their deficits.”
“These are still viable people,” Ms. Michaud continued. “What are they supposed
to do for the next three, four, five years of life?”
Some answers are emerging, as patients request and help design new programs at
academic medical centers and social service agencies. Among them is a speakers’
bureau at the New York City chapter of the Alzheimer Association that grew out
of complaints of boredom.
Ms. Carver is among the most popular speakers. She flushes with accomplishment
when she is on the podium at a conference but recalls none of it moments after
leaving the stage. Ms. Carver sobs at the extent of her short-term memory loss.
Her support group friends comfort her, reminding her that their memories may be
better, but their speech or concentration is worse.
At the Alzheimer’s clinic at Northwestern University Medical School, support
group participants told Darby Morhardt, the facilitator, that they yearned to
spend more time together. As a result, in partnership with the Council for the
Jewish Elderly in Chicago, Ms. Morhardt’s support group takes regular bus trips
to historical and cultural sites of their choosing like an African-American art
museum, a glass blower’s studio and a Hindu temple.
Social groups are also springing up for couples. In San Anselmo, Calif., Peter
and Judy Hebert regularly entertain new friends from Mr. Hebert’s two support
groups, each with different deficits but all relatively high-functioning.
Mr. Hebert, once an official at the General Services Administration, is 67 and
retains his short-term memory, but his speech and motor skills are deteriorating
five years after diagnosis, and he cannot reassemble a sandwich should one piece
of bread fall off. But he can maintain a busy schedule visiting assisted-living
centers and nursing homes to exhibit his landscape photography, and sometimes
his speech flows.
“It feels like I’m working,” Mr. Hebert said.
His wife accompanies him, struggling not to fill in the blanks in his halting
sentences. “We all have that tendency to take over,” she said.
How much hovering is too much has been a common topic in couples counseling
sessions at New York University that are part of a research study by Dr. Mary S.
Mittelman.
The study, in which couples receive six counseling sessions together, was to
have included 200 couples, but 16 have signed up, an indication, some of Dr.
Mittelman’s colleagues said, that many couples still do not welcome frankness.
At the sessions, a counselor with expertise in Alzheimer’s disease can guide the
conversation, slow everything down and offer enough encouragement so the ill
spouse can participate. In reviewing early results, Dr. Mittelman said, the
patients with dementia said they enjoyed being included, and their spouses said
they learned ways to make that happen.
Months later, the patients remembered the counselor and were happy to be back,
though the content of the sessions had disappeared from memory and they veered
between confusion and understanding.
“What am I doing now?” asked John McCrosky, 75, directing the question at his
wife, Corinne Samios.
The counselor intervened, asking, “Are you the same John as when I saw you
last?”
“No, I’m not the same,” he said, slyly setting up the punch line to his own
joke. “Now I can’t remember to flush.”
The second study involving couples, led by Carol J. Whitlatch of the Cleveland
Institute, compared the expectations of the ill spouse and the caregiver spouse,
with an eye toward planning for the future.
Both began the counseling assuming that all needs would be met by the well
spouse but quickly saw that this was unfair and together sought areas where care
could be delegated.
A result, Dr. Whitlock said, was that patients felt involved in the decision
making and caregivers felt relieved at having more options than they had
imagined, sometimes even the acknowledgment of the ill spouse that a nursing
home might someday be necessary.
The groundwork for the current self-help movement is the 20-year-old work of
Robyn Yale, a social worker in Northern California, who ran patient support
groups when most Alzheimer’s agencies considered them incapable of benefiting.
Ms. Yale is now organizing groups for early stage patients in assisted-living
centers and nursing homes.
“It’s been a long process of changing stereotypes,” Ms. Yale said. “But we’re
finally hearing their voices, and we need to respond to that.”
One frustration among innovators in the field is creating volunteer
opportunities for people who are too forgetful or confused to do many jobs. An
agency tried that in California, pairing a cognitively intact volunteer with a
second volunteer with mild dementia, but, over time, the labor-intensive project
could not be sustained.
Last year, the national office of the Alzheimer’s Association declared early
stage services a priority. The association now has an advisory board made up of
patients, most whom have a rare early onset form of the disease, which sometimes
runs in families.
People struck with dementia of various sorts in the prime of life — 200,000 to
500,000, according to last week’s study — have been the most aggressive
advocates, experts say. They have not settled into retirement or been slowed by
other infirmities, and they also came of age in an era of activism.
“This younger group, we’re mouthy,” said Chuck Jackson, 53, one of the board
members, a former outplacement counselor for loggers who left his job upon
diagnosis, wanting to “enjoy daily life” as long as possible.
“I know where I’m going to end up,” Mr. Jackson said.
So do John Carpenter and Mary Carver, but they are not there yet.
Mr. Carpenter, who once performed in Broadway musicals, was determined to
perform again after his illness was diagnosed recently at age 82. One of his
“big hurts,” Mr. Carpenter said, “is not knowing what I’m going to do tomorrow
or the next day or the day after that.” His wife, Milly, “doesn’t talk to me
like she used to,” he said.
“And,” he added, “when people say, ‘Tell me what you did,’ it’s gone, just gone.
I want to be who I was.”
So he petitioned the Alzheimer’s Association to let him star in a play about the
disease. And he and Ms. Carver, a former singer, told Ms. Michaud, the group
leader, that they would enjoy performing together. Could she help them find an
adult day care center where they could entertain? She can, and she will.
Living With Alzheimer’s Before a Window Closes, NYT,
29.3.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/health/29alzheimers.html?hp
Citywide
For
Smaller Fighters of H.I.V.,
Weapons Dwindle
March 27,
2007
The New York Times
By DAVID GONZALEZ
If it can
be sold, traded or swiped, you can find it at the intersection of Mother Gaston
Boulevard and Belmont Avenue in Brownsville. In this crazy corner of Brooklyn,
bleary-eyed men and women with faces worn from hustling a buck — or more — stand
outside all-night delis, their eyes shifting about as quickly as their feet.
This is also the kind of place where you can catch a few things nobody wants,
like a bullet, or a beating.
A small group of women here have taken on another problem ravaging the area:
H.I.V. They hit the streets and stores twice a week dispensing condoms and
advice about protected sex while urging people to get tested for the virus that
causes AIDS. It is hard work, stopping other women in midstride to ask them
about how they protect themselves behind closed doors.
Yet as much as these peer educators from Life Force, a Brooklyn-based
H.I.V./AIDS education agency for minority women, are used to the streets, they
are not prepared to wind up on them. This weekend the agency may have to start
laying off some workers after failing to win a renewal of financing for its
grass-roots programs. While medical advances are helping people with the disease
live longer, some of the very groups that helped them survive are confronting
their own demise.
“People are not dying like they used to years ago,” said Ivone Negron, a peer
educator who is H.I.V.-positive. “But people are still getting infected, and we
know how to stop that. We are doing what we got to do.”
Advocates for people living with H.I.V. and AIDS said community-based groups
like Life Force, which have emerged over the past 20 years to confront health
crises in poor and minority neighborhoods, could not compete with larger groups
and hospitals that offer one-stop shopping for a variety of services. Others
said city health officials favor Manhattan-based groups, even though the other
boroughs have borne the brunt of the disease.
“A lot of groups in New York are feeling the burn because the opportunities for
little groups are drying up as the bigger ones come in,” said Kwame Banks, a
project director at the Community Resource Exchange, which advises nonprofit
organizations. “They’re out on the streets doing the work and don’t have time to
be philosophical about it. They don’t even have the time to do strategic
thinking.”
A substantial amount of financial support for the smaller groups has come from
the $120 million the city receives each year from the federal government through
what are known as Ryan White funds. About three years ago, a council that
recommends how that money should be spent reviewed program priorities. The
council recommended changes that were subsequently adopted by the city’s
Department of Health and Mental Hygiene. The city then turned to the nonprofit
Medical and Health Research Association of New York City to solicit proposals
from service providers.
Judith A. Verdino, vice president for special initiatives and H.I.V. at the
medical association, said the new priorities placed greater emphasis on access
to care and maintaining treatment. Outreach work — which had focused on the
distribution of condoms and clean syringes, among other approaches — shifted to
getting people into treatment. Proposals her agency received were scored on a
100-point scale on how well they met program requirements.
The resulting grant decisions alarmed some neighborhood groups, including Life
Force, that failed to make the cut after years of support. After a review of
those grants last year, the city’s comptroller said the boroughs outside of
Manhattan were shortchanged. Officials at the city’s department of health and
the medical association countered by saying they had a mix of services and
groups covering the five boroughs. “I can say unequivocally it was a fair
process,” Ms. Verdino said. “It is based on how well people are able to present
their program and show there will be some results.”
Nonetheless, the smaller groups have been scrambling since last year, trying to
survive while scaling back programs, laying off staff members and referring
clients to new programs. Chris Norwood, the executive director of Health People,
a community education organization in the Bronx, said her group was among 59
programs in the city that did not get financing through the Ryan White funds.
She did receive some money from the City Council to follow up on former clients.
Her group, which had run family programs for adults with the virus and mentoring
programs for teenagers at risk of contracting it, had to refer more than 400
clients to new programs, though she said that in some cases, the new programs
had not started. That, she said, placed people at risk of interrupting their
treatment.
Other advocates said that a greater emphasis on medical approaches failed to
provide enough financing for groups working on other issues, like social
services or legal assistance for people facing eviction. Sometimes the pressures
caused by those problems can make an individual take a turn for the worse, the
advocates said.
“It’s not a manageable illness if you are not housed,” said Terri Smith-Caronia,
director of New York City policy for Housing Works, an advocacy group that
promotes AIDS awareness. “It’s not manageable if you are selling your body for
shelter, food or to meet some need the government decided is not a core medical
service.”
Those are the kinds of vulnerable people, she said, who are best served by peer
educators who take to the streets in the hope of reaching people who live below
the official radar. In a bittersweet twist for Life Force’s two dozen peer
educators, it was that kind of work that inspired “Life Support,” a movie
starring Queen Latifah, now showing on HBO.
Gwen Carter, the executive director of Life Force, said her group was a crucial
complement to the medical work being done by the larger institutions.
“The role of a community-based organization is to get people to realize the need
to get to those medical places; to get yourself tested and take care of
yourself.” she said. “If we all work together, it will be more effective. Face
it, we’re out there. If you are waiting for people to come to you, it ain’t
going to happen.”
In recent days, her group has been able to raise from grants about a third of
the $193,000 in Ryan White financing that will run out by the end of this week.
(Those funds account for about 40 percent of Life Force’s budget. The agency
also receives money from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.) And
she is exploring the possibility of joint fund-raising with another health group
facing a similar cash crunch. Even some of her peer educators have gotten
donations — in the form of $10 money orders — from local merchants.
Last week, a half-dozen women from Life Force went to the offices of a
needle-exchange program in Brownsville. Outside, several of them stopped women
on the street, asking them about how they protected themselves during sex. Carol
Magee, an outreach specialist who started out 13 years ago as a peer educator,
asked passers-by how long it had been since they had been tested for H.I.V.
“A long time,” one woman said.
“Are you sexually active?” Ms. Magee countered.
Less than three minutes later, Ms. Magee was walking with her to get tested
inside the needle-exchange offices.
“I can identify with these people,” Ms. Magee said. “I know all the games. They
invented a few new ones, but I’m hip to those, too.”
Around the corner, three peer educators wedged themselves into a coffee shop,
where the regulars met them with smiles and questions. One woman huddled with a
peer to ask about how to use a female condom, because her husband refused to
wear a condom. A couple of women went away with strips of free condoms the
educators were handing out.
A hard-faced woman inside the coffee shop who would give only her first name,
Mary, has known the Life Force workers for almost a year. Mary used to be a
teacher and wife; she is now a widow and recovering heroin addict. Her stony
gaze eased when she saw the peers.
“For people involved in the situation we are in, these women are supportive and
nonjudgmental,” she said. “They are a necessary community service. They educate
the ignorant.”
As she spoke, an incoherent woman staggered into the coffee shop, only to be
hustled outside by Mary and a friend. The woman went down the block, bumping
into men and trying — without luck — to cadge a dollar or a cigarette.
“Man, we are like the forgotten people out here,” Mary said. “We don’t count.”
For Smaller Fighters of H.I.V., Weapons Dwindle, NYT,
27.3.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/27/nyregion/27citywide.html
Aged,
Frail and Denied Care
by Their Insurers
March 26,
2007
The New York Times
By CHARLES DUHIGG
CONRAD,
Mont. — Mary Rose Derks was a 65-year-old widow in 1990, when she began
preparing for the day she could no longer care for herself. Every month, out of
her grocery fund, she scrimped together about $100 for an insurance policy that
promised to pay eventually for a room in an assisted living home.
On a May afternoon in 2002, after bouts of diabetes had hospitalized her dozens
of times, Mrs. Derks reluctantly agreed that it was time. She shed a few tears,
watched her family pack her favorite blankets and rode to Beehive Homes, five
blocks from her daughter’s farm equipment dealership, content that she would not
be a financial burden on her family.
But when she filed a claim with her insurer, Conseco, it said she had waited too
long. Then it said Beehive Homes was not an approved facility, despite its state
license. Eventually, Conseco argued that Mrs. Derks was not sufficiently infirm,
despite her early-stage dementia and the 37 pills she takes each day.
After more than four years, Mrs. Derks, now 81, has yet to receive a penny from
Conseco, while her family has paid about $70,000. Her daughter has sent Conseco
dozens of bulky envelopes and spent hours on the phone. Each time the answer is
the same: Denied.
Tens of thousands of elderly Americans have received life-prolonging care as a
result of their long-term-care policies. With more than eight million customers,
such insurance is one of the many products that companies are pitching to older
Americans reaching retirement.
Yet thousands of policyholders say they have received only excuses about why
insurers will not pay. Interviews by The New York Times and confidential
depositions indicate that some long-term-care insurers have developed procedures
that make it difficult — if not impossible — for policyholders to get paid. A
review of more than 400 of the thousands of grievances and lawsuits filed in
recent years shows elderly policyholders confronting unnecessary delays and
overwhelming bureaucracies. In California alone, nearly one in every four
long-term-care claims was denied in 2005, according to the state.
“The bottom line is that insurance companies make money when they don’t pay
claims,” said Mary Beth Senkewicz, who resigned last year as a senior executive
at the National Association of Insurance Commissioners. “They’ll do anything to
avoid paying, because if they wait long enough, they know the policyholders will
die.”
In 2003, a subsidiary of Conseco, Bankers Life and Casualty, sent an 85-year-old
woman suffering from dementia the wrong form to fill out, according to a
lawsuit, then denied her claim because of improper paperwork. Last year,
according to another pending suit, the insurer Penn Treaty American decided that
a 92-year-old man had so improved that he should leave his nursing home despite
his forgetfulness, anxiety and doctor’s orders to seek continued care. Another
suit contended that a company owned by the John Hancock Insurance Company had
tried to rescind the coverage of a 72-year-old man when he was diagnosed with
Alzheimer’s disease four years after buying the policy.
In court filings, all three companies said the denials had been proper. They
declined further comment on the cases, though Bankers Life and John Hancock
eventually settled for unspecified amounts.
In general, insurers say criticisms of claims-handling are unfair because most
policyholders are paid promptly and some denials are necessary to root out
fraud.
In a statement, Conseco said the company “is committed to the highest standards
for ethics, fairness and accountability, and strives to pay all claims in
accordance with policy contracts.” Penn Treaty said in a statement, “We strive
to treat all policyholders fairly, and to deliver the best, most efficient
evaluation of their claim as possible.”
But policyholders have lodged thousands of complaints against the major
long-term-care insurers. A disproportionate number have focused on Conseco, its
affiliate, Bankers Life, and Penn Treaty. In 2005, Conseco received more than
one complaint regarding long-term-care insurance for every 383 such
policyholders, according to data from the insurance commissioners’ association.
Penn Treaty received one complaint for every 1,207 long-term-care policyholders.
(The complaints touch on a variety of topics, including claims handling, price
increases and advertising methods.)
By comparison, Genworth Financial, the largest long-term-care insurer, received
only one complaint for every 12,434 policies.
Conseco is among the nation’s largest insurers, collecting premiums worth more
than $4.2 billion in 2006, of which long-term-care policies contributed 21
percent. Penn Treaty focuses primarily on long-term-care products and collected
premiums of about $320 million in 2004, the last year the company filed an
audited annual report.
In depositions and interviews, current and former employees at Conseco, Bankers
Life and Penn Treaty described business practices that denied or delayed
policyholders’ claims for seemingly trivial reasons. Employees said they had
been prohibited from making phone calls to policyholders and that claims had
been abandoned without informing policyholders. Such tactics, advocates for the
elderly say, are becoming common throughout the industry.
“These companies have essentially turned their bureaucracies into profit
centers,” said Glenn R. Kantor, a California lawyer who has represented
policyholders.
Yet these concerns have been ignored by state regulators, advocates say, and
have gone unnoticed by federal lawmakers who recently passed incentives intended
to promote purchases of long-term-care policies, in the hopes of forestalling a
Medicare funding crisis.
Conseco and Bankers Life “made it so hard to make a claim that people either
died or gave up,” said Betty J. Hobel, a former Bankers Life agent in Cedar
Rapids, Iowa.
“When someone is 70 or 80 years old,” she said, “how many times are they going
to try before they just give up?”
A Race to
Sell Policies
When Mrs. Derks bought her long-term-care policy from a door-to-door salesman in
1990, she was unaware that she represented the insurance industry’s newest gold
mine.
Her husband had died eight years earlier of a stroke, leaving her to run a
barley farm in northern Montana, where she lived with her three children and her
aging mother. As she watched her own parent decline, Mrs. Derks became
preoccupied with sparing her children the expense of her final years.
“She was terrified that she would bankrupt us or get sent to a public nursing
home,” said Ken E. Wheeler, her son-in-law.
At the time, long-term-care policies, which can cover the costs of
assisted-living facilities, nursing homes and at-home care, were becoming one of
the insurance industry’s fastest-growing products. Companies like Conseco,
Bankers Life and Penn Treaty were aggressively signing up clients who were not
in the best health at rates far below their competitors’ in order to win more
business, former agents said. From 1991 to 1999, long-term-care sales helped
drive total revenue gains of roughly 500 percent each at Penn Treaty and
Conseco, including its affiliate Bankers Life.
Cracks in the business, however, soon started to appear. Insurance executives
began warning they had underestimated how long policyholders would live after
entering nursing homes. The costs of treating Alzheimer’s, Parkinson’s and
diabetes ballooned.
As insurers began realizing their miscalculations, they persuaded insurance
commissioners in California, Pennsylvania, Florida and other states to approve
price increases of as much as 40 percent a year.
By 2002, Conseco’s long-term-care payouts exceeded revenue. Those and other
disappointing results prompted the company to file for bankruptcy, from which it
emerged 10 months later.
That same year, Mrs. Derks entered Beehive Homes, a cheery, 12-bed center one
block from the Prairie View elementary school. In the previous four years, she
had been hospitalized more than two dozen times. She had once lain unconscious
in her living room for a day and a half. Her physician ordered her into an
assisted-living center.
Initially, Conseco told Mrs. Derks’s daughter, Jackie Wheeler, that her claim
would go through smoothly, Mrs. Wheeler said. The family began paying Beehive
Homes’s $1,900 monthly fee.
But three months after submitting her claim, Mrs. Derks received a letter from
Conseco saying she had waited too long, and her earliest costs would not be
reimbursed. Two months later, she received another letter denying her entire
claim because she had not submitted proof of illness.
Yet a copy of Mrs. Derks’s policy, sent to the Wheelers by Conseco in 2004 and
reviewed by The Times, mentions no requirement for proof of illness. The policy
requires only that the confinement be ordered by a physician, and it allows for
a notice of claim to be sent “as soon as reasonably possible.”
Mrs. Derks’s daughter called Conseco and explained that her mother could not
recall the date or people’s names and had started multiple fires by forgetting
to turn off the stove. She sent letters stating that her mother needed
assistance to dress, eat, go to the bathroom and inject insulin.
“This is medically necessary!!!” reads a form signed by Mrs. Derks’s physician
in 2004. “This has been filled out three times! This person needs assistance!”
Seven months later, Conseco sent another letter, this time denying Mrs. Derks’s
claim because her policy “requires a staffed registered nurse 24 hours per day.”
Her policy does not mention such a requirement.
Conseco also sent letters denying Mrs. Derks’s claim because her policy had an
“assisted living facility rider,” and because Mrs. Derks “does not have an
assisted living facility rider.” In all, the family received more than a dozen
letters from the company. Many contradict one another, and frequently cite
requirements that are nowhere mentioned in Mrs. Derks’s policy.
“There was always a new step in the runaround,” Mrs. Wheeler said. “It felt like
everything was designed to make me just go away.”
Over two years, Mrs. Wheeler estimated, she called the company about 100 times.
Twice a month, she sent envelopes stuffed with medical records. Some afternoons,
she spent hours making calls. After one conversation, Mrs. Wheeler slammed down
the phone and started to cry. Then she drove to Beehive Homes, where her mother
was surrounded by faded photos of her childhood and boxes of adult diapers.
“I wouldn’t tell her about the problems we were having with Conseco, because I
knew it would cause her so much worry,” Mrs. Wheeler said.
Eventually, the Wheelers sold part of their John Deere dealership to raise money
to pay for her mother’s care. In October 2006, they sued.
Conseco, asked by a reporter about the company’s handling of the Derks claim,
declined to answer, citing the pending litigation. In court documents, the
company denied Mrs. Derks’s allegations without specifying why her claim was
denied.
“We did everything they asked,” Mrs. Wheeler said. “And this company just treats
us like dirt.”
Tales of
Bureaucracy
Inside the large Conseco headquarters in Carmel, Ind., scores of employees
receive the flood of documents and calls that arrive each day. At times,
according to depositions and interviews, that deluge became so overwhelming that
documents were lost, calls went unreturned and mistakes occurred.
Some employees describe vast mailrooms where documents appear and disappear. One
call-center representative said he was afforded an average of only four minutes
to handle each policyholder’s call, no matter how complicated the questions.
Employees said they were instructed not to say when the company was behind in
processing paperwork, even when the backlog extended to 45 days. Workers were
prohibited from contacting each other by phone, although such calls might have
quickly resolved obstacles, according to depositions.
Conseco, asked in detail about the company’s policies, declined to respond.
Bureaucratic obstacles were pervasive, according to interviews with 10 former
Conseco employees and depositions of more than a dozen others. Robert W. Ragle,
a former Bankers Life branch manager, once contacted the claims department on
behalf of a client, and “they just laughed us off the phone,” he said. “Their
mentality is to keep every dollar they can.” Mr. Ragle was dismissed by Bankers
Life in 2002. He sued for wrongful termination and settled out of court.
In lawsuits, complaints and interviews, policyholders contend that Conseco,
Bankers Life or Penn Treaty denied claims because policyholders failed to submit
unimportant paperwork; because daily nursing notes did not detail minute
procedures; because policyholders filled out the wrong forms after receiving
them from the insurance companies; and because facilities were deemed
inappropriate even though they were licensed by state regulators.
In depositions conducted on behalf of angry policyholders, Conseco employees
described bureaucratic obstacles that prevented payment of claims. Those
depositions were sealed in settlement agreements but were obtained by The Times.
In a 2006 deposition, a Bankers Life and Conseco claims adjuster, Teresa
Carbonel, testified that she denied claims because of missing records but was
prohibited from calling nursing homes or physicians to request the documents.
She also testified that when a claim was denied, she was forbidden to phone a
policyholder, but instead used a time-consuming mailing system.
Ms. Carbonel’s testimony, recorded during lawsuit on behalf of a 94-year-old
policyholder, Rhodes K. Scherer, also disclosed that if policyholders did not
mail requested documents within 21 days, Conseco might abandon their claim,
sometimes without informing them.
In the case of Mr. Scherer, who was institutionalized after a bathroom fall, it
was difficult to obtain a response, Ms. Carbonel said, because the company’s
requests were mailed to his home address, rather than the nursing center where
the company had been notified that he had moved. Ms. Carbonel, who is no longer
with the company, did not return calls. Conseco declined to comment on her
testimony.
In another deposition, Conseco’s then-senior manager for long-term- care claims,
Jose S. Torres, testified that Conseco would sometimes withhold payments until
it received documents not required by customers’ policies. In Mr. Scherer’s
case, Mr. Torres said, the company refused to pay his nursing home costs unless
he sent copies of the home’s license, payment invoices and medical records, even
though those documents had no bearing on approving his claim.
Mr. Scherer’s claim “was handled not in the best way, but it was handled
according to the processes and procedures placed at the time,” Mr. Torres
testified. “Mistakes are going to be made, you know.”
Other executives testified that when Conseco appeared to have lost important
documents in Mr. Scherer’s claim, no investigation was initiated. Shawn Michael
Schechter, a Conseco claims supervisor who left the company in 2005 on positive
terms, according to the deposition, testified that the handling of Mr. Scherer’s
claim violated the principle of good faith, which requires insurance companies
to treat customers fairly.
“The claim adjuster could have made that very easy and not have put the burden
back onto the policyholder,” he testified.
Mr. Torres did not return calls. Mr. Schechter declined to answer questions.
Mr. Scherer died in 2004 without receiving benefits from Conseco. His estate
settled with the company in February for an undisclosed amount, according to a
lawyer representing the estate.
Conseco declined to discuss its complaint history or individual cases, citing
confidentiality agreements. In its statement, the company said that in 2006,
Conseco paid nearly $2.3 billion on 9.8 million claims in all types of insurance
sold by the company.
The company added: “Conseco, through training, education and process
improvements in all of its insurance companies, is continuously focused on
enhancing service and resolving any problems expeditiously. The Conseco
Insurance Group’s overall insurance department complaints decreased 20 percent
from 2005 to 2006.”
Depositions of executives at Penn Treaty also point to questionable practices.
In a 2005 lawsuit, a Penn Treaty senior vice president, Stephen Robert LaPierre,
testified that the company rejected one claim without informing the policyholder
why, asked for information that was not required to process a claim, gave
incomplete information about a claim’s status and said the company was delaying
payment because of an investigation while failing to take steps that might have
resolved the inquiry.
Mr. LaPierre declined to discuss his testimony. Penn Treaty settled the lawsuit
by paying the policyholder an unspecified amount, the policyholder’s lawyer
said.
Penn Treaty said in a statement that evaluating a company by measuring its
complaints was flawed, and that since 2003, the company has denied an average of
less than 1.7 percent of the up to 8,000 claims it received every year because
of reasons related to policyholder eligibility. “From time to time, Penn Treaty
is compelled to investigate fraud or questionable billing activities,” the
company added.
Few
Regulatory Inquiries
Few of the cases or complaints filed against Conseco, Bankers Life, Penn Treaty
or other insurers have received much attention, in part because many lawsuits
filed against long-term-care insurers have been settled with the requirement
that depositions, documents and settlement terms be kept confidential.
Frequently, say policyholders’ lawyers, the companies have been willing to pay
millions of dollars in exchange for confidentiality.
Furthermore, despite the complaints against long-term-care insurers, few states
have conducted meaningful investigations.
Ron Gallagher, a deputy commissioner with the Pennsylvania Insurance Department,
said, “I don’t know that we have a real problem with improper claim denials.”
Yet data from the National Association of Insurance Commissioners show that from
2003 to 2005, Pennsylvania received more complaints regarding Conseco, Bankers
Life and Penn Treaty than any other state. Mr. Gallagher said he might begin a
new review of those companies.
Other states with large numbers of long-term-care complaints, including
California, Missouri, Maryland, Indiana and Washington have not begun
investigations, or have reviewed only small numbers of policies.
As a result, other seniors may end up like Mrs. Derks.
While she was waiting for her lawsuit to proceed, Medicaid began contributing to
Ms. Derks’s care. Taxpayers now pay Beehive Homes about $32 daily for her care.
“Long-term-care insurance is supposed to result in less pressure on Medicaid,
not more,” said Ms. Senkewicz, the former executive at the insurance
commissioners’ association.
For Mrs. Derks’s family, things have already broken down.
“How many other people are out there who don’t have a family to fight for them
and have just given up?” asked Jackie Wheeler. “This company should be ashamed.”
Aged, Frail and Denied Care by Their Insurers, NYT,
26.3.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/26/business/26care.html
Pediatricians Voice Anger
Over Costs of Vaccines
March 24,
2007
The New York Times
By ANDREW POLLACK
The
nation’s pediatricians, the foot soldiers in the campaign to vaccinate America’s
children, are starting to revolt.
The soaring cost and rising number of new vaccines, doctors say, make it
increasingly difficult for them to buy the shots they give their patients. They
also complain that insurers often do not reimburse them enough, so they can lose
money on every dose they deliver.
As a result, some pediatricians are not offering the newest and most costly
vaccines. And some public health experts say that if the situation worsens, it
could lead to a breakdown in the nation’s immunization program, with a rise in
otherwise preventable diseases.
“We cannot pay for the vaccination of the American public any longer,” said Dr.
Dorothy A. Levine, a pediatrician in Stamford and New Canaan, Conn. “We’re not
giving them with as much vigor as we should, and the main reason is financial.”
Dr. Levine, for instance, is not offering Gardasil, the new vaccine that
prevents cervical cancer; it costs $360 for three shots. Nor is she giving shots
of RotaTeq, the $190 vaccine against the diarrhea-causing rotavirus.
The situation underscores the role played in the United States by market
dynamics in providing immunization, a public health service in many other
countries.
About 85 percent of the nation’s children get all or at least some of their
inoculations from private physicians’ offices, which operate as businesses. The
federal and state governments pay for vaccines for about 55 percent of children,
mainly poor ones. But even those government-subsidized vaccines are mainly
administered by private doctors.
Private physicians have been taking on a greater role in immunization since a
1989 measles outbreak spurred efforts to increase vaccination rates. Now,
however, “we’re worried about seeing a reverse trend,” back to public health
departments, said Dr. Howard D. Backer, chairman of the Association of
Immunization Managers, a group of state vaccine officials.
To be sure, most pediatricians continue to offer most or all vaccines. And
immunization rates for the older vaccines remain higher than ever. More than 90
percent of children get shots for polio, mumps and hepatitis B, for instance.
Merck, which makes both Gardasil and RotaTeq, says the problem is transitory and
that most insurers are already paying for those products. It says that 70
percent of the largest pediatric practices are stocking Gardasil and 60 percent
carry RotaTeq.
Michael F. Thomas, a senior vice president in Merck’s vaccine division, defended
the company’s prices saying, “Historically, vaccines have been undervalued.”
But some doctors are balking. Teri Perryman, a doctor in Kerrville, Tex., is not
only avoiding Gardasil and RotaTeq, but also not offering the new meningitis
vaccine, flu shots or new expensive combination products like one that combines
the chickenpox vaccine with the measles-mumps-rubella vaccine, according to her
husband, Kevin Perryman, who helps manage the practice.
Other doctors are asking patients to pay upfront or, in a new twist, are sending
them to the drugstore. Typically, physicians have not written prescriptions for
vaccines, as they do for drugs, but instead buy and store them, recouping their
money when they give the vaccines to patients.
Michele Rabito of Douglaston, Queens, was given prescriptions for the first two
Gardasil shots for her 15-year-old daughter, Paige. Her pediatrician would not
provide the vaccine himself because Ms. Rabito’s insurance did not cover it.
The pharmacy took a day or two to fill each prescription because it did not
normally carry Gardasil, Ms. Rabito said. And it charged her $185 a dose, about
$65 more than the wholesale cost. Ms. Rabito then brought each vial back to the
doctor’s office, where her daughter was vaccinated.
“It’s a lot of trouble and a lot of money,” she said, although she added that
she did not blame her pediatrician.
Getting a vaccination was not always so difficult. In 1980, it cost only about
$23, or $59 adjusted for inflation, for the seven shots and four oral doses
needed to immunize a child, according to data provided by Dr. Thomas Saari, who
is emeritus professor of pediatrics at the University of Wisconsin.
Today, though, a child who receives all the recommended vaccines would receive
as many as 37 shots and 3 oral doses by the 18th birthday — at a cost exceeding
$1,600.
Costs have nearly tripled since 2001 alone. And several new and costly vaccines
have been added just since 2005. Besides Gardasil and RotaTeq, both made by
Merck, the new ones include Menactra, a $80 meningitis vaccine made by
Sanofi-Aventis.
Also newly recommended are a vaccine against hepatitis A, a booster shot for
chickenpox, a booster shot against whooping cough, and yearly flu shots until a
child’s fifth birthday instead of only until the second birthday.
Public health experts say vaccines, including the new ones, are among the most
cost-effective of health measures. And higher prices have attracted new
companies to the vaccine business, which was once considered a moribund
backwater of the pharmaceutical industry.
But money has become a problem, not only for pediatricians but for doctors who
give adult vaccines, and also for the federal and state governments.
Some states that once provided free vaccines to all children, like North Dakota,
have had to abandon that practice. The Washington State Department of Health,
which is still trying to provide vaccines for all, is requesting an additional
$13 million a year from the state Legislature to pay for the new vaccines, which
would nearly double the $16 million current appropriation.
Spending by the federal Vaccines for Children program, which pays for
immunizations for Medicaid children and some others, has grown to $2.5 billion,
up from $500 million in 2000.
But the loudest complaints are coming from pediatricians. “I cannot remember a
time when I’ve heard this much anger,” said Dr. Walter A. Orenstein of Emory
University, who ran the national immunization program at the federal Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention from 1988 until 2004.
Doctors say it is getting too difficult to tie up so much of their capital in
vaccines.
“If we simply purchased Gardasil for every eligible girl each year, it would
cost 25 percent of every dollar I collect,” said Dr. Herschel R. Lessin, medical
director of Children’s Medical Group, a practice with more than 20 doctors based
in Poughkeepsie, N.Y.
Even without stocking Gardasil or RotaTeq, the group spent more than $600,000 to
buy vaccines last year and has $150,000 worth sitting in its refrigerators at
any time.
Dr. Lessin said the eroding economics of practicing basic medicine was a reason
fewer medical students were going into primary care, which pays much less than
specialties.
“I’m a good guy,” he said, “but I’m not a social worker.”
If the physicians made a profit on vaccines, the advance purchase could be
considered a good investment, especially since vaccinations bring in children
who can then be provided other services.
But doctors say reimbursement is often inadequate. Moreover, insurers often do
not reimburse for new vaccines at all during their first few months on the
market. While doctors can charge what they want for a vaccine to a wealthy
patient without insurance, for insured patients they generally have to accept
what the insurer pays.
There are also the costs for administering vaccines: the nurses’ time, the
syringes, the record-keeping, the refrigerator, even insurance in case the
refrigerator malfunctions.
Dr. Anne Francis, a pediatrician in Rochester, said her practice once lost
$9,000 worth of chickenpox vaccine when a refrigerator door was left ajar and
had $5,000 of flu vaccine left over when flu season ended. (Because the flu
vaccine changes every year, leftover shots are worthless.)
Unavoidable waste is also more costly in an era of expensive vaccines. If a
child pulls her arm away at the last second, “a $120 syringe goes flying through
the air and you can’t reuse it,” said Dr. Francis, who heads a committee of the
American Academy of Pediatrics dealing with reimbursement.
Insurers and the Vaccines for Children program do reimburse separately for such
administrative costs, but often far below the roughly $20 per injection that
some pediatricians say is necessary to cover expenses.
Some steps are being taken to remedy the problem. The pediatrics academy and the
American Medical Association organized a three-day meeting in Chicago last month
to discuss the issue.
Cigna, a big insurer, said it recently raised its reimbursement rates for
vaccines. WellPoint, another large insurer, said it was steering doctors to
distributors that charge less than it reimburses. Merck is giving doctors 60
days to pay for vaccines instead of 30, although at some time in the past it had
given as much as 180 days.
More radical proposals, like mandating that insurance companies cover vaccines
or having the government buy all vaccines, are not likely to gain political
traction, experts said.
Another idea would be to have doctors pay only for the vaccines they use. But
manufacturers in general have resisted this because it would mean more risk of
oversupply for them.
The government’s National Vaccine Advisory Committee is also looking at the
issue. Its chairman, Dr. Gary L. Freed, said that beyond complaints from
physician trade groups, there was actually little data available on the extent
of the problem.
But that does not mean Dr. Freed, who is also director of the child health and
evaluation unit at the University of Michigan, is not concerned. “Do we want to
wait until we have epidemics,” he asked, “before we want to do something about
the financing questions?”
Pediatricians Voice Anger Over Costs of Vaccines, NYT,
24.3.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/24/business/24vaccine.html
Editorial
Fairness
for Mental Health
March 24,
2007
The New York Times
After a
decade of small-bore measures and frustrating stalemates, it looks as if
Congress may be ready to require that insurance coverage for mental illness and
substance abuse be provided on the same terms as coverage for physical ailments.
So-called parity legislation would be a boon to the millions of Americans who
suffer from mental illness or addiction and find it hard to afford treatment. It
should also reduce the high productivity losses from depressed or stressed
workers.
The Senate and the House should move aggressively to pass this much-needed
legislation and send it to President Bush for his signature.
Neither the Senate nor the House versions of the bill would require employers or
health plans to cover mental illness. But if they do provide such coverage, the
financial terms and treatment limits would have to be the same as they are for
medical and surgical benefits. No longer could health plans limit mental
patients to fewer days in the hospital or fewer outpatient visits. Nor could
they make mental patients pay higher deductibles, co-payments or other
out-of-pocket charges than other patients.
The most striking development this year is the broad consensus behind the Senate
bill, the fruit of extended negotiations with employer groups and insurance
plans that have fought such measures in the past, lest their costs be driven up.
The bill is backed by Senators Ted Kennedy, Democrat of Massachusetts, and Pete
Domenici, Republican of New Mexico — both long-time champions of equal treatment
for mental health — whose staff members worked out the compromise. The final
product may not be perfect, but it gives mental health advocates much of what
they want.
The House bill, whose chief sponsor is Representative Patrick Kennedy, Democrat
of Rhode Island and the senator’s son, looks stronger in some respects. It would
require that any plan that covered mental health provide coverage for, at a
minimum, the same wide range of mental and addiction disorders that are
currently covered by the health plan with the largest enrollment of federal
employees. The Senate bill does not say what conditions must be covered, and
focuses simply on ensuring equal cost-sharing and treatment limits. That is
based on a tactical judgment that the business community would fight broad
coverage requirements.
Given that President Bush has endorsed the idea of mental health parity, and
that both houses seem poised to enact it, the prospects look good for ending the
long stalemate. But the House will need to be careful not to overreach and upset
the carefully built compromise that has finally brought recalcitrant insurers
and employers to the side of equal treatment for mental health and addiction.
Fairness for Mental Health, NYT, 24.3.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/24/opinion/24sat1.html
Editorial
A
Cleaner Food and Drug Agency
March 23,
2007
The New York Times
In our
highly medicated, high-technology society, it is essential that the Food and
Drug Administration regulates drugs, medical devices and other products with
complete objectivity — free from the taint of industry influence. So it is
encouraging that the agency has proposed new rules to exclude experts who have
significant financial ties to regulated industries from serving on committees
that recommend whether a product should be approved.
The proposed rules may still need to be strengthened after they are critiqued
during a required comment period. But even in their current form they look like
a big, and long needed, improvement over the agency’s previously lax efforts to
screen out conflicts of interest. The pharmaceutical industry, in particular,
doles out lots of money to doctors and academic experts in the form of speaking
fees, consultancies, research grants and other financial benefits. And many of
these recipients end up on federal advisory committees.
All too often consumer interests are shortchanged. In one egregious example, a
panel that favored marketing the controversial painkillers Bextra and Vioxx
would have made the opposite recommendation if the experts with industry ties
had been excluded from voting.
The new rules would bar from an advisory committee anyone whose financial
interests in a company with a product up for review — or its competitors —
exceed $50,000, whether in stock ownership, consulting arrangements or
individual research grants. Those with smaller financial interests could
participate in discussions but would not be allowed to vote. Only those with no
potential conflicts could participate as full, voting members. The food and drug
commissioner could still grant waivers, but officials expect them to be rare.
Some patient advocates believe the $50,000 exclusion is too generous, and the
agency needs to explain more fully how it decided that was the proper cutoff
point. It also needs to address whether nonvoting experts — those with smaller
financial ties — might still unduly sway a committee’s decision.
Congress needs to confront another worrisome source of industry’s influence: the
$300 million in annual fees paid by pharmaceutical manufacturers that help
finance the approval process and regulation of drugs. Critics have long
complained that these user fees distort the agency’s objectivity and make for a
too cozy atmosphere between the industry and its regulators.
The Bush administration, unfortunately, is seeking to increase reliance on user
fees. That’s the wrong direction to go. To ensure that the public’s interests
are its only concern, the F.D.A. should be supported entirely by public funds.
A Cleaner Food and Drug Agency, NYT, 23.3.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/23/opinion/23fri1.html
U.S.
stays vigilant against TB
21.3.2007
USA TODAY
By Anita Manning
NEWARK —
Maria Garcia is 26, pregnant and has tuberculosis. A Honduran immigrant, she
speaks no English and spends her days in the small, immaculate apartment she
shares with her boyfriend, a construction worker.
But Garcia
is one of the lucky ones. Every day, public-health worker Gloria Leifer of the
Global Tuberculosis Institute at the New Jersey Medical School delivers a small
envelope containing four anti-TB pills and watches as Garcia takes each one. The
treatment, known as directly observed therapy, is given for six to nine months
to ensure that all the TB germs are killed and to prevent the emergence of
drug-resistant strains.
Garcia is recovering and is no longer able to spread the disease. By the time
her baby arrives in July, she'll be cured.
TB is contagious and airborne, spread by coughing. The World Health
Organization, which today releases its 2007 Global TB Control Report in advance
of World TB Day on Saturday, estimates a third of the world population is
infected. In healthy people, TB can remain inactive, emerging only when there is
a weakening of the immune system because of illness or malnutrition.
In 2005, 1.6 million people died of TB, WHO says. Most cases are in Africa and
Asia, but the USA is not immune: Last year there were more than 14,000 cases,
says Kenneth Castro, director of the Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention's TB division.
Each of these cases is tested to be sure it can be treated by standard drug
regimens. Drug-resistant strains, which are emerging all over the world, require
a daily drug combination taken for 18 months to 2 years.
"And now we have the specter raised globally" of extensively drug-resistant TB,
Castro says. XDR-TB can occur when drug-resistant strains are not thoroughly
treated. Its emergence "threatens to throw us into a pre-antibiotic era, unless
we develop new drugs for those rendered virtually untreatable."
Once a case of active TB is identified, local health officials have to track
down and test everyone who might have been exposed to the sick person. Last
week, New York city health officials were tracking more than 700 hospital
patients and employees potentially exposed to TB by a health care worker, and
Delaware health officials tested 336 employees at a poultry plant after a worker
was found to be infected. In both cases, no other active TB cases were found,
but health officials did find people who tested positive for exposure to the
virus.
Castro says TB rates in the USA are dropping each year, but the rate of decline
has slowed, from 7.3% per year between 1992 and 2000 to 3.8% each year since.
"We are concerned that the slowing in rate of decrease signals a stagnation in
our progress against TB," he says.
Once considered a disease confined to the inner-city poor, drug users and
homeless, "today our typical patient is foreign-born and living in a family
unit," says Eileen Napolitano, deputy director of the Global TB Institute. Many
are migrant workers or day laborers, and some are hesitant to seek medical care
when symptoms start, fearing lost wages or concerns about their legal status.
"Eventually, people who are sick enough with TB end up in the hospital, but they
could be sick a long time," Napolitano says. "They could be spreading it."
Typically, it takes a year for people with TB to get sick enough to seek
treatment, and during that time they are likely to infect 10 to 12 others, says
TB expert Carl Nathan, chairman of Microbiology and Immunology at Weill Cornell
Medical College in New York. That's one reason it's so hard to wipe it out, he
says. "They replace their own numbers before getting treated," he says.
HIV infection increases TB risk, and in developing countries, the epidemics of
TB and HIV are linked. "We don't have a grip on it," Nathan says. "It's
absolutely not under control, and the situation is not improving overall because
HIV is spreading in places where TB is common, like India and China."
Global health organizations are stepping up the drive for new, better drugs and
programs to treat HIV and TB simultaneously, often working in partnerships that
involve private drug companies and non-profits. Drug company Lilly, for
instance, which makes two of the treatments for drug-resistant TB, has
transferred the technology to make those drugs to China, South Africa, India and
Russia.
A survey by the World Economic Forum's Global Health Initiative found only 30%
of companies with an AIDS program also have a TB program. "The concern is that,
particularly in Africa, a third of all the HIV/AIDS patients die of TB," says
Francesca Boldrini, who heads the initiative. "This puts companies at risk,
because they think they're protecting their employees from HIV, but by not
having a TB component, they're not providing them with what they could."
The theme of Saturday's World TB Day — "TB anywhere is TB everywhere" — is no
exaggeration, Nathan says. "As a society, the world so interconnected, it isn't
enough to say it's somebody else's problem."
U.S. stays vigilant against TB, UT, 21.3.2007,
http://www.usatoday.com/news/health/2007-03-21-tuberculosis-prevention_N.htm
More
than 5 million
have Alzheimer's in U.S.
Tue Mar 20,
2007
10:52AM EDT
Reuters
WASHINGTON
(Reuters) - More than 5 million people in the United States have Alzheimer's
disease and an aging population is likely to fuel a steady rise in new cases, a
report released by the Alzheimer's Association said on Tuesday.
The association's figure of 5 million is up about 10 percent from its previous
estimate in 2000, and it said there are about 400,000 new cases a year.
The group predicts that the number of Alzheimer's cases will rise to 7.7 million
people by 2030 as the U.S. baby boom population ages, unless a cure or a way to
prevent the disease is found.
Alzheimer's is the seventh leading cause of death in the United States, and it
is the leading cause of dementia. It is marked by a steady loss of memory that
soon takes away a person's ability to cope and care from himself or herself, and
there is no cure.
Drugs can help slow its progression but they eventually stop working. Patients
die of pneumonia or other causes as their bodily functions deteriorate.
"In 2005, Medicare spent $91 billion on beneficiaries with Alzheimer's and other
dementias and that number is projected to more than double to $189 billion by
2015," the association said in its report.
"However there is hope. There are currently nine drugs in Phase III clinical
trials for Alzheimer's, several of which show great promise to slow or stop the
progression of the disease," Harry Johns, president and chief executive officer
of the Alzheimer's Association, said in a statement.
"This, combined with advancements in diagnostic tools, has the potential to
change the landscape of Alzheimer's."
More than 5 million have Alzheimer's in U.S., R,
20.3.2007,
http://www.reuters.com/article/domesticNews/idUSN2035124420070320
Citizens
Who Lack Papers
Lose Medicaid
March 12,
2007
The New York Times
By ROBERT PEAR
WASHINGTON,
March 11 — A new federal rule intended to keep illegal immigrants from receiving
Medicaid has instead shut out tens of thousands of United States citizens who
have had difficulty complying with requirements to show birth certificates and
other documents proving their citizenship, state officials say.
Florida, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, New Mexico, Ohio and Virginia have all
reported declines in enrollment and traced them to the new federal requirement,
which comes just as state officials around the country are striving to expand
coverage through Medicaid and other means.
Under a 2006 federal law, the Deficit Reduction Act, most people who say they
are United States citizens and want Medicaid must provide “satisfactory
documentary evidence of citizenship,” which could include a passport or the
combination of a birth certificate and a driver’s license.
Some state officials say the Bush administration went beyond the law in some
ways, for example, by requiring people to submit original documents or copies
certified by the issuing agency.
“The largest adverse effect of this policy has been on people who are American
citizens,” said Kevin W. Concannon, director of the Department of Human Services
in Iowa, where the number of Medicaid recipients dropped by 5,700 in the second
half of 2006, to 92,880, after rising for five years. “We have not turned up
many undocumented immigrants receiving Medicaid in Waterloo, Dubuque or anywhere
else in Iowa,” Mr. Concannon said.
Jeff Nelligan, a spokesman for the federal Centers for Medicare and Medicaid
Services, said the new rule was “intended to ensure that Medicaid beneficiaries
are citizens without imposing undue burdens on them” or on states. “We are not
aware of any data that shows there are significant barriers to enrollment,” he
said. “But if states are experiencing difficulties, they should bring them to
our attention.”
In Florida, the number of children on Medicaid declined by 63,000, to 1.2
million, from July 2006 to January of this year.
“We’ve seen an increase in the number of people who don’t qualify for Medicaid
because they cannot produce proof of citizenship,” said Albert A. Zimmerman, a
spokesman for the Florida Department of Children and Families. “Nearly all of
these people are American citizens.”
Since Ohio began enforcing the document requirement in September, the number of
children and parents on Medicaid has declined by 39,000, to 1.3 million, and
state officials attribute most of the decline to the new requirement. Jon Allen,
a spokesman for the Ohio Department of Job and Family Services, said the state
had not seen a drop of that magnitude in 10 years.
The numbers alone do not prove that the decline in enrollment was caused by the
new federal policy. But state officials see a cause-and-effect relationship.
They say the decline began soon after they started enforcing the new rule.
Moreover, they say, they have not seen a decline in enrollment among people who
are exempt from the documentation requirement — for example, people who have
qualified for Medicare and are also eligible for Medicaid.
Wisconsin keeps detailed records listing reasons for the denial or termination
of benefits. “From August 2006 to February of this year, we terminated benefits
for an average of 868 people a month for failure to document citizenship or
identity,” said James D. Jones, the eligibility director of the Medicaid program
in Wisconsin. “More than 600 of those actions were for failure to prove
identity.” In the same period, Mr. Jones said, the state denied an average of
1,758 applications a month for failure to document citizenship or identity. In
1,100 of those cases, applicants did not provide acceptable proof of identity.
“Congress wanted to crack down on illegal immigrants who got Medicaid benefits
by pretending to be U.S. citizens,” Mr. Jones said. “But the law is hurting U.S.
citizens, throwing up roadblocks to people who need care, at a time when we in
Wisconsin are trying to increase access to health care.”
Medicaid officials across the country report that some pregnant women are going
without prenatal care and some parents are postponing checkups for their
children while they hunt down birth certificates and other documents.
Rhiannon M. Noth, 28, of Cincinnati applied for Medicaid in early December. When
her 3-year-old son, Landen, had heart surgery on Feb. 22, she said, “he did not
have any insurance” because she had been unable to obtain the necessary
documents. For the same reason, she said, she paid out of pocket for his
medications, and eye surgery was delayed for her 2-year-old daughter, Adrianna.
The children eventually got Medicaid, but the process took 78 days, rather than
the 30 specified in Ohio Medicaid rules.
Dr. Martin C. Michaels, a pediatrician in Dalton, Ga., who has been monitoring
effects of the federal rule, said: “Georgia now has 100,000 newly uninsured U.S.
citizen children of low-income families. Many of these children have missed
immunizations and preventive health visits. And they have been admitted to
hospitals and intensive care units for conditions that normally would have been
treated in a doctor’s office.”
Dr. Michaels, who is president of the Georgia chapter of the American Academy of
Pediatrics, said that some children with asthma had lost their Medicaid coverage
and could not afford the medications they had been taking daily to prevent
wheezing. “Some of these children had asthma attacks and had to be admitted to
hospitals,” he said.
In Kansas, R. Andrew Allison, the state Medicaid director, said: “The federal
requirement has had a tremendous impact. Many kids have lost coverage or have
not been able to obtain coverage.” Since the new rule took effect in July,
enrollment in Kansas has declined by 20,000 people, to 245,000, and
three-fourths of the people dropped from the rolls were children.
Megan J. Ingmire, a spokeswoman for the Kansas Health Policy Authority, which
runs the state Medicaid program, said the waiting time for applicants had
increased because of a “huge backlog” of applications. “Applicants need more
time to collect the necessary documents, and it takes us longer to review the
applications,” Ms. Ingmire said.
The principal authors of the 2006 law were Representatives Charlie Norwood and
Nathan Deal, both Georgia Republicans. Mr. Norwood died last month.
Chris Riley, the chief of staff for Mr. Deal, said the new requirement did
encounter “some bumps in the road” last year. But, he said, Mr. Deal believes
that the requirement “has saved taxpayers money.” The congressman “will
vigorously fight repeal of that provision” and will, in fact, try to extend it
to the Children’s Health Insurance Program, Mr. Riley said. He added that the
rule could be applied flexibly so it did not cause hardship for citizens.
In general, Medicaid is available only to United States citizens and certain
“qualified aliens.” Until 2006, states had some discretion in deciding how to
verify citizenship. Applicants had to declare in writing, under penalty of
perjury, whether they were citizens. Most states required documents, like birth
certificates, only if other evidence suggested that a person was falsely
claiming to be a United States citizen.
In Virginia, health insurance for children has been a top priority for state
officials, and the number of children on Medicaid increased steadily for several
years. But since July, the number has declined by 13,300, to 373,800, according
to Cindi B. Jones, chief deputy director of the Virginia Medicaid program.
“The federal rule closed the door on our ability to enroll people over the
telephone and the Internet, wiping out a full year of progress in covering
kids,” Ms. Jones said.
State and local agencies have adopted new procedures to handle and copy valuable
documents. J. Ruth Kennedy, deputy director of the Medicaid program in
Louisiana, said her agency had received hundreds of original driver’s licenses
and passports in the mail.
Barry E. Nangle, the state registrar of vital statistics in Utah, said, “The new
federal requirement has created a big demand for birth certificates by a group
of people who are not exactly well placed to pay our fees.” States typically
charge $10 to $30 for a certificate.
Citizens Who Lack Papers Lose Medicaid, NYT, 12.3.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/12/us/12medicaid.html?hp
FDA
Chief:
Don't Regulate Tobacco
March 6,
2007
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 12:30 p.m. ET
The New York Times
WASHINGTON
(AP) -- Government regulation of tobacco could backfire by inadvertently forcing
smokers to light up more and inhale more deeply, the head of the Food and Drug
Administration said Tuesday.
In an interview with The Associated Press, Dr. Andrew von Eschenbach said that
if the FDA reduced nicotine levels in cigarettes, people would tailor their
smoking habits to maintain current levels of the addictive drug.
''We could find ourselves in the conundrum of having made a decision about
nicotine only to have made the public health radically worse. And that is not
the position FDA is in; we approve products that enhance health, not destroy
it,'' said von Eschenbach, a cancer surgeon.
A bipartisan group of lawmakers introduced legislation last month that would
give the FDA the authority to regulate tobacco, in part by reducing its nicotine
content.
Smoking kills more than 400,000 Americans a year.
Von Eschenbach said repeatedly that the issue of regulating tobacco is a complex
one.
''What I don't want to see happen is that we are in a position where we are
determining that a cigarette is safe,'' von Eschenbach said.
In 1996, the FDA moved to regulate tobacco. The Supreme Court ruled in 2000 that
Congress had not authorized the agency to do so.
FDA Chief: Don't Regulate Tobacco, NYT, 6.3.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/us/AP-FDA-AP-Interview.html
Without
Health Benefits,
a Good Life Turns Fragile
March 5,
2007
By ROBERT PEAR
The New York Times
SALISBURY,
N.C. — Vicki H. Readling vividly remembers the start of 2006.
“Everybody was saying, ‘Happy new year,’ ” Ms. Readling recalled. “But I
remember going straight to bed and lying down scared to death because I knew
that at that very minute, after midnight, I was without insurance. I was kissing
away a bad year of cancer. But I was getting ready to open up to a door of
hell.”
Ms. Readling, a 50-year-old real estate agent, is one of nearly 47 million
people in America with no health insurance.
Increasingly, the problem affects middle-class people like Ms. Readling, who
said she made about $60,000 last year. As an independent contractor, like many
real estate agents, Ms. Readling does not receive health benefits from an
employer. She tried to buy a policy in the individual insurance market, but —
having had cancer — could not obtain coverage, except at a price exceeding
$27,000 a year, which was more than she could pay.
“I don’t know which was worse, being told that I had cancer or finding that I
could not get insurance,” Ms. Readling (pronounced RED-ling) said in an
interview in her office, near the tree-lined streets and stately old homes of
this city in the Piedmont region of North Carolina.
It is well known that the ranks of the uninsured have been swelling; federal
figures show an increase of 6.8 million since 2000.
But the surprise is that the uninsured are not necessarily the poor, the
unemployed and the undocumented. Solidly middle-class people like Ms. Readling
are one of the fastest growing subgroups.
And that is one reason, according to a recent New York Times/CBS News poll, that
the problems of the uninsured have jumped to the top of the domestic political
agenda in Washington and on the campaign trail.
Today, more than one-third of the uninsured — 17 million of the nearly 47
million — have family incomes of $40,000 or more, according to the Employee
Benefit Research Institute, a nonpartisan organization. More than two-thirds of
the uninsured are in households with at least one full-time worker.
Ms. Readling’s experience is typical; people who have had serious illnesses
often have difficulty obtaining insurance. If coverage is available, the
premiums are often more than they can afford.
While the government does not have an official definition of “middle class,” one
commonly used point of reference is the median household income, which was
$46,326 in 2005.
Katherine Swartz, a professor of health policy and economics at Harvard, said
the soaring cost of health care was a major reason for the increase in the
number of uninsured. She said it also reflected long-term changes in the
economy, like the decline in manufacturing jobs and the growth in the share of
workers in service industries and small businesses, which are less likely to
provide health benefits.
Moreover, Ms. Swartz said, “Companies have become more aggressive in hiring
people as temporary or contract workers with no fringe benefits.”
The National Association of Realtors says 28 percent of its 1.3 million members
are without health insurance.
“Because real estate agents are independent contractors, they are forced into
the individual insurance market, where there is no negotiating or leverage,”
said Pat V. Combs, president of the association.
As an independent contractor with a Century 21 real estate brokerage, Ms.
Readling had bought insurance on her own, a temporary extension of coverage from
a prior job. But she was unable to renew it after she had surgery for breast
cancer in 2005. Most insurers would not offer her coverage, she said, and one
carrier quoted a price of $2,300 a month for coverage with a deductible of
$5,000 a year.
Concerns about health insurance permeate her life.
To save money, Ms. Readling said, she defers visits to the doctor and stretches
out her cancer medication, which costs her about $300 a month. She takes the
tiny pills three or four times a week, rather than seven days a week as
prescribed.
“I really try to stay away from the doctor because I am so scared of what
everything will cost,” said Ms. Readling, who is divorced and has twin
18-year-old sons. Before every doctor’s visit and test, she asks, “How much are
you going to charge me?” She says she tries to arrange “the best deals I can.”
But in many cases, the price is still unaffordable, and “I have to do without.”
Even those with insurance have reason to be concerned, economists say, because
they end up paying for the uninsured in various ways. Some of the costs are also
passed on to taxpayers and employers. To help cover the cost of treating the
uninsured, hospitals often increase charges to other patients. Insurers then
increase premiums for companies that provide health benefits, and they in turn
shift some costs to employees.
Ms. Readling is engaged to be married in June, to another real estate agent. But
she said she may postpone the wedding because she would not want her husband to
be legally responsible for her medical bills.
“I am scared to get married because I don’t have insurance,” Ms. Readling said.
“If I have to go to the hospital and I can’t pay my hospital bills, what
happens? Do they go after him? Can they take your home?”
To collect unpaid medical bills, health care providers often obtain judgments
against a patient’s spouse, as well as the patient, and file liens against their
homes. Ms. Readling says she does not own a house, but her fiancé does.
The idea of universal coverage, in the form proposed by President Bill Clinton,
proved politically untenable. Since the Clinton plan collapsed in 1994, the
politics of health care have changed because of the steady rise in health costs,
the increase in the number of uninsured and the erosion of employer-sponsored
insurance. Politicians are once again speaking about universal coverage as a
goal, though opinion polls show that many voters still oppose the idea of a
government-run health care system.
Ms. Readling said it was stressful enough visiting doctors every few months for
her cancer follow-ups. Without coverage, she said, the experience is even more
stressful.
“When you go to any medical person and they ask for your insurance card, you are
so ashamed because you have to say, ‘I don’t have insurance,’ ” Ms. Readling
said. “You just feel like you are dirt.”
Ms. Readling said she often woke up at night, terrified of the cost of getting
sick without insurance.
“Anything that goes wrong with my health could destroy me financially,” Ms.
Readling said. “I could be ruined.”
She said she had never voluntarily allowed her insurance to lapse and could not
understand why she was being blackballed.
“What did I do wrong?” Ms. Read-ling asked. “Why am I being punished? I just
don’t understand how I could have fallen through this horrible, horrible crack.”
Knowing her health benefits from her prior job would expire in January 2006, she
began shopping for a new policy in May 2005. But in June 2005, she learned she
had cancer.
“At that point,” Ms. Readling said, “I called everybody I could think of,
begging for help. But no insurer would touch me.”
Barbara Morales Burke, the chief deputy insurance commissioner of North
Carolina, said state law did not guarantee the availability of health insurance
for individuals. “Most insurers decline to issue policies to those individuals
whom they deem to be too risky because of their medical history,” Ms. Morales
Burke said.
Blue Cross and Blue Shield of North Carolina will sell to anyone, regardless of
the person’s medical condition, she added, but the premiums may be very high for
people who have had serious illnesses.
Heidi Deja, a spokeswoman for Blue Cross and Blue Shield of North Carolina,
said, “Rates are based on the anticipated cost of providing care.” For people
who have had serious illnesses, she said, monthly premiums “can run into the
thousands of dollars.”
A 1996 federal law limited the ability of insurers to discriminate against
people because of pre-existing conditions. But consumer protections are much
more extensive in the group health insurance market.
“In the individual market, the federal protections provide precious little help
to people seeking coverage,” said Karen L. Pollitz, a research professor at the
Georgetown University Health Policy Institute.
When Ms. Readling was shopping for insurance, she found two responses
particularly galling. One insurer, she said, suggested she return to her prior
job, at a furniture company, so she could participate in its group health plan,
though she loved her work as a real estate agent. Another insurer suggested she
remarry her former husband to get back on his insurance plan.
Working with her doctors, Ms. Readling raced to get as many tests as possible
before her coverage expired. She recalled her anxiety in the final months: “It’s
like a freight train coming at you, and it’s going to get you. And there was
nothing I could do.”
Ms. Readling said she was mystified by the inability of real estate agents to
band together and buy health insurance as a group.
“Why can’t Realtors in North Carolina, or a few counties, have coverage under
one umbrella?” she asked. “You would think that some insurance company would
want our business.”
Janet S. Trautwein, executive vice president of the National Association of
Health Underwriters, which represents insurance agents and brokers, said
employee groups were more attractive to insurers for several reasons.
“In a group health plan,” Ms. Trautwein said, “the employer typically pays a
large share of the premium, so most employees sign up as soon as they are
eligible, regardless of their health status.”
“The health plan covers a mix of sick and healthy workers,” she said. “By
contrast, individuals and independent contractors are more likely to defer
coverage until they need it, so the pool of people insured is, over all, less
healthy. Sick people consume more health care. As a result, the cost to insure
them is higher.”
Though satisfied with her care, Ms. Readling continually wonders if doctors and
nurses treat her differently because she is uninsured.
“Are they going to turn their nose up at you because you don’t have insurance?”
Ms. Readling asked. “Will they take care of other people first? They can make
more money on patients with insurance. What am I? I am just a financial loss to
them.”
Without Health Benefits, a Good Life Turns Fragile, NYT,
5.3.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/05/us/05uninsured.html?hp
2 New
Drugs Offer Options
in H.I.V. Fight
February
28, 2007
The New York Times
By LAWRENCE K. ALTMAN
and ANDREW POLLACK
LOS
ANGELES, Feb. 27 — Two new AIDS drugs, each of which works in a novel way, have
proved safe and highly successful in large studies, a development that doctors
said here on Tuesday would significantly expand treatment options for patients.
The two drugs, which could be approved for marketing later this year, would add
two new classes of drugs to the four that are available to battle H.I.V., the
AIDS virus. That would be especially important to tens of thousands of patients
in the United States whose treatment is failing because their virus has become
resistant to drugs already in use.
“This is really a remarkable development in the field,” Dr. John W. Mellors of
the University of Pittsburgh said at a news conference here at the 14th Annual
Conference on Retroviruses and Opportunistic Infections.
Dr. Mellors, who was not involved in the studies but has been a consultant to
the manufacturers of the drugs, said he “wouldn’t be going out on a limb” to say
the new results were as exciting as those from the mid-1990s, when researchers
first discovered that cocktails of drugs could significantly prolong lives.
Dr. Scott Hammer, chief of infectious diseases at Columbia University Medical
Center, who also was not involved in the studies but has been a consultant to
the manufacturers, agreed that the new drugs “will provide extended years of
meaningful survival to patients.”
One drug, maraviroc, was developed by Pfizer, which has already applied for
approval to sell it. The Food and Drug Administration has scheduled an advisory
committee meeting on April 24 to discuss the application.
The other drug, raltegravir, was developed by Merck, which has said it will
apply in the second quarter for approval.
Experts said the new drugs would be used in combination with older drugs. Both
drugs stem from scientific findings made a decade or more ago that have peeled
back the intricate molecular process used by H.I.V. to infect human immune
system cells and to replicate themselves.
While there are now more than 20 approved drugs to treat H.I.V. and AIDS, there
are only four different mechanisms by which the drugs work. In many patients,
the virus develops resistance to one or more drugs, usually because patients do
not take their drugs on time as prescribed.
And if the virus develops resistance to one drug in a class, it often becomes
resistant to others in that class and sometimes in other classes. So AIDS
experts have said there is an urgent need for drugs that work by new mechanisms.
The two new drugs would represent the first new classes since 2003, when an
injectable drug called Fuzeon was approved. They would be the first new classes
of oral H.I.V. drugs in a decade.
Merck’s drug works by inhibiting the action of integrase, an enzyme produced by
the virus that incorporates the virus’s genetic material into the DNA of a
patient’s immune cell. Once incorporated, the viral DNA commandeers the cell to
make more copies of the virus.
In two Merck studies involving a total of 700 patients, virus levels dropped to
below 50 copies per milliliter of blood, an amount considered undetectable, in
about 60 percent of patients who received raltegravir. That compared with about
35 percent of those who received a placebo.
The patients in the two Phase 3 trials, typically the last stage of testing
before approval, were resistant to at least one drug in each of three classes of
antiretroviral drugs. All the patients also received a combination of older
drugs that their doctors deemed to be the most appropriate. The results reported
here were after 16 weeks, in a study that is continuing so it is possible that
longer-term side effects might yet arise.
Other integrase inhibitors, like one from Gilead Sciences, are also under
development. Gilead’s drug is 18 months to 2 years behind Merck’s.
Pfizer’s drug works by blocking a protein on human immune system cells that
H.I.V. uses as a portal to enter and infect the cell. It would be the first drug
that targets the human body rather than the virus.
The portal, known as CCR5, was discovered in 1996 by several groups of
scientists, and there has been a race to develop drugs to block it.
In two Phase 3 studies sponsored by Pfizer involving 1,049 patients, more than
40 percent of patients who received maraviroc had undetectable levels of virus
after 24 weeks of a 48-week study. That was about twice the rate of those who
received placebo. As in the Merck trials, patients were resistant to three
classes of drugs and were receiving an optimized combination of older drugs.
Some experts said they were a bit cautious about maraviroc, in part because it
blocks a human protein instead of a viral one, with possible unknown long-term
effects. One CCR5 inhibitor that was being developed by GlaxoSmithKline was
dropped because it caused liver toxicity, and a second being developed by
Schering-Plough appeared to possibly raise the risk of blood cancers.
But in Pfizer’s study there was no increased incidence of cancers. In one study
there was a higher rate of death among those who took the drug, but Pfizer said
the deaths were not associated with the drug.
Experts are also encouraged that about 1 percent of Caucasians have a particular
mutation in both copies of their CCR5 gene that knocks out its function. These
people are resistant to H.I.V. infection and apparently live otherwise normal
lives.
Yet another issue is that some viruses use a different entry portal called
CXCR4. Before getting maraviroc, patients will have to be tested to see which
portal their virus uses, which would make the drug an early example of
“personalized medicine” tailored to the patient.
The test, which will probably take two weeks for results, was developed by
Monogram Biosciences of South San Francisco, Calif. It is expected to cost as
much as $1,000, or more.
About 85 percent of newly infected patients have a virus that uses CCR5 while
only about half of highly drug-resistant viruses use that portal. There has been
some concern that blocking CCR5 would encourage the development of viruses that
use the alternative portal — and those viruses seem to be associated with worse
outcomes.
But that has not proven so far to be a big problem, according to Edward A.
Berger of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, who played
a key role in the discovery of the two portals.
Government, academic and industry experts said there was no reliable estimate of
the number of people who would need one of the new drugs. But the number is
declining as more and better AIDS drugs become available.
“The numbers are not what they used to be six years ago,” said Norbert
Bischofberger, executive vice president for research and development at Gilead,
which makes some widely used AIDS drugs.
Both Merck and Pfizer say they are conducting studies testing their drugs for
use as initial treatments. They would not say how much their drugs would cost.
2 New Drugs Offer Options in H.I.V. Fight, NYT, 28.2.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/02/28/health/28hiv.html?hp
Child
Health Care
Splits White House and States
February
27, 2007
The New York Times
By ROBERT PEAR
WASHINGTON,
Feb. 26 — Governors clashed with the White House on Monday over the future of
the popular Children’s Health Insurance Program, an issue that some members of
both parties said was as important as money for the Iraq war.
In the session at the White House, when President Bush reported on progress of
the war, governors pressed him to provide more money so they could guarantee
health insurance for children. In response, administration officials said states
should make better use of the money they already had.
Gov. Sonny Perdue of Georgia, a Republican, said afterward, “Health care for
children ought to be a priority, irrespective of anyone’s views on the war.”
Georgia will exhaust its allotment of federal money for the Children’s Health
Insurance Program within three months, Mr. Perdue said. Thirteen other states
expect to run out by September, according to data released here at the winter
meeting of the National Governors Association.
Governors said the Clinton and Bush administrations had encouraged them to
expand children’s coverage and had granted waivers allowing them to cover
parents and even some childless adults.
Having successfully expanded the health insurance programs in their states, some
governors now suggest that the Bush administration is pulling the safety net out
from under many children.
In his budget this month, Mr. Bush said he wanted to return the program to its
“original objective” of covering children with family incomes less than twice
the poverty level. Budget documents note that 16 states cover children above
that level and that “one state, New Jersey, covers children up to 350 percent of
the federal poverty level.”
A family of four is classified poor if its annual income is less than $20,650.
An influential member of Congress said Monday that he would not be taking up
White House proposals to restrict eligibility and financing for the child health
program.
“I have absolutely no intention of moving the president’s proposals through our
subcommittee,” said the lawmaker, Representative Frank Pallone Jr., Democrat of
New Jersey.
Mr. Pallone is chairman of the Health Subcommittee of the Energy and Commerce
Committee, which has authority over the children’s program.
Speaker Nancy Pelosi said Monday that “Democrats in Congress understand the
urgency” of the problem and would provide money to the 14 states that did not
have enough to cover their current enrollment. Although Mr. Bush would reduce
federal payments for adults and for children with family incomes above 200
percent of the poverty level, Mr. Pallone said states should have discretion to
cover children above 200 percent of the poverty level and adults in some
circumstances, too.
“In New Jersey, we made a decision to go up to 350 percent of the poverty level,
because we have the highest cost of living in the country,” Mr. Pallone said.
Likewise, he said, New Jersey found that covering adults increased the
likelihood that their children would stay on the rolls.
“The hallmark of all this is flexibility,” Mr. Pallone said. “A robust
Children’s Health Insurance Program is an important part of any effort to try to
achieve universal coverage.”
The federal government spends $5 billion a year on the program. Mr. Bush wants
to continue that level, and he is seeking an ”additional allotment” of $4.8
billion over the next five years.
States would need substantially more to continue their programs with current
eligibility rules and benefits. New estimates from the Congressional Budget
Office show that the states face shortfalls of $700 million this year and a
total shortage of $13.4 billion from 2008 to 2012.
Gov. Jim Douglas of Vermont, a Republican, said the Bush proposals would
jeopardize his state’s phenomenal success in covering children. In Vermont, he
said, fewer than 4 percent of the children are uninsured, and “we don’t want to
lose ground.”
Bush administration officials emphasized that states received a fixed amount of
federal money each year, and they said individual children did not have a legal
entitlement to benefits. Michael O. Leavitt, secretary of health and human
services, said he would work with Congress to find “a short-term solution” for
states exhausting their allotments this year. He said states could avoid
shortfalls by managing their programs better.
In his experience as governor of Utah, Mr. Leavitt said, “when we were out of an
allotment, we just discontinued enrolling people until we had room.” Likewise,
he said, states could cover more people if they provided less comprehensive
benefits.
Gov. Ted Strickland of Ohio, a Democrat, said: “If we don’t get the money we
need, children will go without coverage.”
“In the meeting with the president and Secretary Leavitt,” Mr. Strickland said,
“when questions were raised about children maybe having to be removed from the
program or eligible children not being able to participate, we were told that
that was basically a management problem.”
Gov. Jon Corzine of New Jersey, a Democrat, said that under the president’s
proposals “we will end up having fewer children covered.” That prospect “was
chilling to some of us,” Mr. Corzine said, adding that states wanted to avoid
“rationing health care to our most vulnerable and our most needy.”
Gov. Edward G. Rendell of Pennsylvania, a Democrat, said Mr. Bush’s budget
request was “clearly insufficient” to continue coverage for the six million
children enrolled in the program.
Many governors want to expand the program, which they see as a foundation for
their efforts to expand coverage generally.
Mr. Rendell framed the issue as a choice, asking: “Should we be giving tax cuts
to billionaires and millionaires or should we be giving health care to children?
Should we make health care for children, at the very least, an entitlement?”
Domestic policy is in a straitjacket because of the cost of the war, the cost of
tax cuts and the president’s plan to balance the budget within five years, Mr.
Rendell said.
Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger of California, a Republican, said federal aid was
essential to his $12 billion plan for universal health coverage. Mr.
Schwarzenegger said that in a private meeting he told the president, “We need
the federal government’s help.” He did not say whether he got a commitment.
Child Health Care Splits White House and States, NYT,
27.2.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/02/27/washington/27govs.html?hp
‘Dumping’ of Homeless by Hospitals Stirs Debate
February
23, 2007
The New York Times
By RANDAL C. ARCHIBOLD
LOS
ANGELES, Feb. 22 — For a year, reports have surfaced that hospitals here have
left homeless patients on downtown streets, including a paraplegic man wearing a
hospital gown and colostomy bag who witnesses say pulled himself through the
streets with a plastic bag of his belongings held in his teeth.
Now, prosecutors are hoping a bill introduced last week in the State Senate will
give them stronger legal firepower to charge the hospitals.
Of the 55 or so reports of “patient dumping,” principally in the dilapidated
quarter known as Skid Row, only a handful are being investigated for criminal
activity, said Rocky Delgadillo, the city attorney. Only one hospital has been
charged, using a misdemeanor count that has never been tested in court.
The problem is that while California state law requires hospitals to have
written procedures outlining follow-up care for patients, it does not expressly
prohibit leaving them on the street.
Advocates for the homeless said it was common in many cities for homeless people
still requiring medical treatment to end up on the street or at the doors of
shelters ill prepared for their medical needs.
“Hospitals don’t know what to do with them, and they think it’s the homeless
agencies’ responsibility,” said Michael Stoops, executive director of the
National Coalition for the Homeless, a Washington advocacy group.
Mr. Stoops said local and federal laws were murky, at best, over where homeless
patients should be discharged.
The proposed California law, written by members of Mr. Delgadillo’s staff and
introduced by Senator Gilbert A. Cedillo, a Democrat from Los Angeles, would
require hospitals to transport discharged patients to their residence or, if
they lack one, to the place they identify as their home, typically a shelter.
“There currently is no law making dumping homeless hospital patients on Skid Row
a crime,” Mr. Delgadillo said Thursday at a news conference. “What we really
need is legal clarity that specifically prohibits it.”
The bill calls for a jail term up to two years and a fine of $1,000 for anyone
violating the law. Hospitals could be fined $10,000 and placed on probation,
opening the way to court orders dictating how they treat discharged patients who
are homeless.
Mr. Delgadillo said homeless patients often lacked insurance or other means to
pay for their care, prompting hospitals to discharge them quickly. Skid Row
seems a logical place to take them, with its profusion of shelters and social
service agencies, but advocates for the homeless said few places could provide
the necessary medical care.
“We are set up to get people back on their feet, but we are not set up as a
hospital,” said the Rev. Andrew J. Bales, president of the Union Rescue Mission
on Skid Row.
Prospects for the bill were unclear. A spokesman for Fabian Núñez, a Democrat
from Los Angeles who is the Assembly speaker, said he supported it, but a
spokeswoman for Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, a Republican, said it was too early
to take a position on it. A similar measure Mr. Cedillo introduced last year was
unsuccessful.
Among the suspected patient-dumping cases that have drawn attention is one in
which Mr. Delgadillo has charged Kaiser Permanente with misdemeanor false
imprisonment involving a case last year caught on videotape.
The case that has drawn headlines and indignation more recently involved the
paraplegic man found crawling in the street on Feb. 8. A dozen people say they
saw a woman driving a van from Hollywood Presbyterian Medical Center leave the
man in the street, with some saying she got back in the van and spruced up her
makeup.
Mr. Delgadillo said he was still investigating the case. Dan Springer, a
spokesman for the hospital, said it had acknowledged that its procedures for
releasing the patient had not been followed. Mr. Springer said the hospital was
taking steps to ensure it did not happen again.
James Lott, an executive with the Hospital Association of Southern California,
criticized the proposed legislation, calling it “in a word, stupid,” and an
example of Mr. Delgadillo’s “grandstanding.” Mr. Lott said federal laws already
required hospitals to treat and stabilize patients before discharge and to
provide a plan for follow-up care if needed.
In addition, he said, hospitals downtown agreed two months ago to new procedures
ensuring that homeless patients were not left on the street. He conceded the
protocol had been violated in the case of the man found crawling in the street.
‘Dumping’ of Homeless by Hospitals Stirs Debate, NYT,
23.2.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/02/23/us/23dumping.html
Autism
more common in U.S.
than thought: survey
Thu Feb 8,
2007 2:11PM EST
The New York Times
By Maggie Fox, Health and Science Editor
WASHINGTON
(Reuters) - Autism is more common in the United States than anyone had
estimated, affecting about one in every 150 children, the U.S. Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention reported on Thursday.
CDC estimated that about 560,000 people up to age 21 in the United States have
autism.
"Autism is more common than we believed and is an urgent public health concern,"
said Catherine Rice of the CDC's birth defects division, who helped lead the
study.
Two surveys by the agency encompassed 14 states and represented the largest and
most comprehensive studies of how many children have autism. It showed a wide
variation among the states, ranging from 4.5 per 1,000 children having an
autism-related disorder in West Virginia to 9.9 per 1,000 in New Jersey.
"There's been a lot of concern about what the prevalence of autism is in the
United States and we haven't really had the data systems to answer that
completely," Rice said.
The surveys look at 8-year-olds, the first in six states and the second looks at
8-year-olds in 14 states. On average, they found that about one in 150 children
born in 1992 and 1994, or 6.7 per thousand, have autism.
Rice said that for decades the common estimate of autism incidence was four to
five per 10,000 children. More recent previous estimates had put the incidence
at somewhere between one in 166 children and one in 175.
"Finally, we can end the debate on the prevalence of autism in our nation and
focus on getting the services and supports the families need," said Lee
Grossman, chief executive officer of the Autism Society of America.
The reports are the first from the government-funded Autism and Developmental
Disabilities Monitoring Network.
'ACCURATE PICTURE'
"We really do think that these data are important because they represent the
most complete and accurate picture of autism spectrum disorders in the United
States to date," Rice said in a telephone interview.
Types of "autism spectrum disorder" range from autism, which can severely
disable a child by interfering with speech and behavior, to Asperger's syndrome,
a much milder behavioral problem.
The surveys did not examine what causes autism, but Rice said it appears to stem
from "complex genetic and environmental interactions."
The researchers hope to eventually use the surveys to help figure out what
causes autism. They also want to be able to verify suspicions autism may be
growing more common in the United States.
"We hope these findings will build awareness," Rice said.
Activists have said for years that autism was becoming more common. Some experts
discount claims of skyrocketing rates, saying the definition of autism has
changed over the years, but reliable survey figures have been scarce.
"A lot of professionals were asking what had changed, had we seen more children
than in the past?" said Dr. Marshalyn Yeargin-Allsopp, who helped lead the
study.
The CDC surveys, published in Thursday's weekly report on death and disease, use
a variety of sources such as schools, physician reports and other data. Rice
said it took years to get required approvals to see the data.
The autism rates remained fairly stable over the two years in which the surveys
were taken, Rice said, except in West Virginia, where the prevalence rose
greatly. Rice said it is unclear why.
The studies also showed far fewer of the autistic children had mental
retardation than in previous estimates.
"The older statistics always estimated 70 to 75 percent of kids with autism had
cognitive impairment," Rice said. "We found 33 to 62 percent."
Autism more common in U.S. than thought: survey, R,
8.2.2007,
http://www.reuters.com/article/domesticNews/idUSN0842367820070208
FACTBOX-Autism a common and serious disorder
Thu Feb 8,
2007 12:52PM EST
Reuters
(Reuters) -
Autism is more common across the United States than previously believed,
according to a survey published on Thursday by the U.S. Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention.
-- The newest numbers suggest that 1 in every 150 children in the United States
has autism, higher than previous estimates of 1 in 166 to 1 in 175.
-- Autism spectrum disorders range from Asperger syndrome, a relatively mild
communication disorder, to severe autism in which patients communicate little or
not at all with others and may display severely debilitating behaviors such as
rocking or banging their heads. About 40 percent of children with autism do not
speak at all.
-- Autism usually is diagnosed between the ages of 3 and 5. There is no cure and
no one knows the causes.
-- Doctors are eager to identify autism as early as possible , because some
behavioral therapy can reduce its effects and the earlier the better.
-- Autism appears to have a genetic component and some scientists believe that
an environmental trigger may be involved. Some groups believe vaccines may be
involved although most scientists, including the U.S. government, say vaccines
are almost certainly not to blame.
FACTBOX-Autism a common and serious disorder, R, 8.2.2007,
http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSN0816834020070208
In
Connecticut,
World’s Oldest Woman Dies at 114
January 30,
2007
The New York Times
By JENNIFER MEDINA
EAST
HARTFORD, Conn., Jan. 29 — To say Emma Faust Tillman lived a full life would be
an epic understatement.
She was one of 23 children born to former slaves in North Carolina, and one of
only 15 who lived to adulthood. She was the first black student to graduate from
Glastonbury High School, just a few miles south of here, and voted in the first
election in which women were allowed to do so. Discrimination prevented her
finding a job as a secretary, so she began catering, eventually baking cakes for
Katharine Hepburn’s father and Jackie Robinson.
Mrs. Tillman, who died Sunday, was known as the “mother” of the Metropolitan
A.M.E. Zion Church in Hartford, where she sang in the choir for more than 70
years.
And last Wednesday she was declared the oldest person in the world, at 114
years, 63 days and counting.
Whether she ever knew she received the title is unclear. When the television
news cameras crowded into the lobby of her nursing home here, Mrs. Tillman
acknowledged them but was unable to speak, her head hanging down, a blank look
on her face.
By the time they left, she was exhausted and returned to the bedroom she moved
to in 2003, after decades of living independently. She went to sleep and never
woke up again.
The title of “world’s oldest person” is now apparently passed to Yone Minagawa
of Japan, who was born within weeks of Mrs. Tillman and turned 114 this month.
And though it is perhaps impolite to mention, recent history suggests that Ms.
Minagawa may not hold the crown for long. In the last month alone, the title of
oldest person has changed hands three times, according to the Gerontology
Research Group, an authority on the matter.
“The Guinness Book of World Records will not be able to keep up,” said Dr. L.
Stephen Coles of the University of California, Los Angeles, the executive
director of the group. “This has been a pretty volatile time. Usually we’ve had
a more stable No. 1 position.”
On average, Dr. Coles said, the “oldest person” retains the title for about
eight months. But since August, there have been five. Dr. Coles said that this
was nothing more than a statistical anomaly.
Even among those who age gracefully, few live long enough to become
supercentenarians, the term given to those older than 110. With the death of
Mrs. Tillman, the gerontology group has records of 84 such people in the world:
6 men and 78 women.
Dr. Coles acknowledged, though, that it is likely that the list, which relies on
notification from relatives or neighbors, vastly underestimates the number.
For those who are known to be in that select circle, life as a very old person
can become quite a public affair. Mrs. Tillman, for her part, did not shy away
from the attention, happy to take in the birthday parties for her at the
convalescent home.
On her 113th birthday in 2005, Mrs. Tillman received 113 long-stem red roses
from a much younger man — Donald Pitkin, a member of the East Hartford Town
Council, who at the time was 84. “My, my, what a lot of beautiful flowers,”
those who were present recall her saying. “It makes a woman think she might want
to get married again.”
Mrs. Tillman’s husband died in 1939, before the United States entered World War
II. She outlived countless other relatives, including one of her two daughters.
But of the four siblings who moved north with Mrs. Tillman at the turn of the
20th century, all lived past age 100.
There is no consensus on what allows certain people to live so long, but there
is wide agreement that good genes are the best predictor of a long life. It
probably helped, too, that Mrs. Tillman neither smoked nor drank.
She also did not drive. But with the exception of relying on others for rides,
Mrs. Tillman lived quite independently. After first voting in 1920, she cast a
ballot in every election until 2006. She attended church weekly until her 114th
birthday, on Nov. 22.
That day, Mrs. Tillman was quite subdued, but she perked up when the choir sang
two of her favorite songs, “In the Garden” and “Passing Through,” said John
Stewart Jr., one of her great-nephews, who attended the service with her.
It was the last time Mrs. Tillman would leave her home, he said. He recalled her
remarking on the milestone: “I’m 114. It’s enough now,” she said. “I’ll go
whenever the man upstairs calls me home.”
Mrs. Tillman is survived by her 80-year-old daughter, Majorie. But the large
extended family is something of a complicated clan: the funeral program will
list 7 grandchildren, 36 great-grandchildren, 16 great-great-grandchildren and
16 great-great-great-grandchildren.
“She was the glue that held us all together,” said Mr. Stewart, the family
historian and a former chief of the Hartford Fire Department — the first
African-American fire chief in New England. “She has served the good Lord, she
has served the church, she has served us. What better legacy can she leave?”
Once it became clear on Friday that Mrs. Tillman was entering her final days,
family members filed into her room. They quickly decided they would not attach
her to a feeding tube or other machines, preferring to let her die in what
doctors said would be a matter of days.
By Sunday evening, Mr. Stewart said, she looked as though she had more color in
her face, and a smile seemed to have appeared on her lips.
In Connecticut, World’s Oldest Woman Dies at 114, NYT,
30.1.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/01/30/nyregion/30old.html?hp&ex=1170219600&en=c3f97cf882bd8c13&ei=5094&partner=homepage
Editorial
The
President’s Risky Health Plan
January 26,
2007
The New York Times
The new
health care proposals announced by President Bush this week purport to tackle
the two toughest problems confronting the American health care system: the
rising number of uninsured Americans and the escalating costs of medical care.
But on both counts, they fall miles short of what is needed to fix a system
where — scandalously — 47 million Americans go without health insurance.
The financial sinkhole in Iraq and huge tax cuts for wealthy Americans have left
the administration with no money to really address the problem. To keep the
program “revenue neutral,” Mr. Bush would instead use tax subsidies to encourage
more people to buy their own health insurance, while imposing additional taxes
on people who have what Mr. Bush deems “gold plated” insurance.
It is a formula that would do little to reduce the number of uninsured Americans
and would have a high risk of producing pernicious results. Even White House
officials acknowledged earlier this week that they expected the number of
uninsured to drop by only three million to five million people as a result of
Mr. Bush’s proposals. They expect the states to take on most of the burden.
One enlightened element is that the plan would provide equal tax treatment to
those who bought their insurance policies on the individual market and those who
got coverage through group policies at work, thus ending a longstanding inequity
that favors employer-based policies. To level the playing field, the
administration proposes to grant everyone who gets qualifying health insurance a
standard deduction — $15,000 for family coverage or $7,500 for single coverage —
off their income subject to taxation. Those with family policies exceeding
$15,000 in value would have to pay taxes on the excess amount.
After the proposed starting date in 2009, the administration estimates, about 80
percent of workers with employer-provided policies would pay lower taxes and 20
percent would pay higher taxes, unless they reduced the value of their health
coverage to fit within the standard deduction.
The new standard deduction would almost certainly entice some people to buy
health insurance who had previously elected not to. But a tax deduction is of
little value to people so poor that they pay little or no income tax. And
unfortunately, it is those people who account for the vast majority of the
nation’s uninsured.
Instead of trying to fix that fundamental flaw, the administration has decided
instead to buck it to the states. The White House has offered few details. But
its idea is to allow states to redirect federal money that now helps to finance
hospitals that provide charity care and use it instead to subsidize health
insurance for the poor.
In an ideal world, it would make good sense to insure people in advance rather
than wait for them to show up in a high-cost emergency room. But this plan could
quickly cripple the safety-net hospitals. Fortunately, no governor would have to
accept the offer to redirect funds. The scheme is mostly a reflection of how the
administration is unwilling to accept true responsibility for the uninsured.
If the administration really wanted to help low-income people, it would have
proposed a refundable tax credit that would have the same dollar value for
everyone — instead of a tax deduction, which primarily helps people in high tax
brackets. Even those who do not pay taxes would get a check for the dollar value
of the credit, providing them at least some money to help pay for health
insurance. Congress ought to recognize that credits are the better approach for
even such a limited plan.
As for the tax increases on those “gold plated” health policies, the White House
is hoping to discourage people from using high-priced comprehensive health
policies that cover everything from routine office visits to costly diagnostic
procedures that are not always necessary.
The administration’s goal is to instead encourage people to take out policies
that might reduce the use of medical services, like policies with high
deductibles or co-payments, or managed care plans. But even “copper plated”
policies can exceed $15,000 in cost if they are issued in areas where medical
prices are high or to groups with high numbers of older or chronically ill
workers.
The whole approach rests on the premise that comprehensive prepaid health
policies are a major factor in driving up costs; the theory is that people will
tend to use services if they are covered. There is probably some truth in that.
But the main drivers in rising health costs are the costly services, high-priced
drugs and hospitalizations for people who are seriously ill with catastrophic
diseases or multiple chronic illnesses. Making their health coverage less
generous would simply make it harder for them to get the care they need.
The greatest risk in the president’s proposal is that it would seem likely to
lead many small- and medium-size employers to stop offering health benefits
altogether on the theory that their workers could buy affordable insurance on
their own. That would leave many more Americans at the mercy of the
dysfunctional individual policy market, where administrative costs are high and
insurers strive to avoid covering people who are apt to become sick and need
costly care.
For all its fanfare, Mr. Bush’s plan would be unlikely to reduce the ranks of
the uninsured very much. And if things went badly, it could actually increase
their numbers. That’s not the answer Americans are waiting for and not what they
deserve.
The President’s Risky Health Plan, NYT, 26.1.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/01/26/opinion/26fri1.html
Bush
unveils
new health insurance plan
Sat Jan 20,
2007 8:11 PM ET
Reuters
By Caren Bohan
WASHINGTON
(Reuters) - President George W. Bush on Saturday proposed tax breaks to make
health insurance more affordable to the nearly 47 million Americans who lack it
and suggested removing some tax benefits for the most expensive
employer-provided health care plans.
Health care is emerging in opinion polls as a top concern among many Americans
as private health insurance costs soar, putting a burden on workers and
companies.
The president, looking to gain momentum for his domestic agenda that is at risk
of becoming overshadowed by the Iraq war, will include the health proposal in
his State of the Union address on Tuesday.
"We must address these rising costs, so that more Americans can afford basic
health insurance. And we need to do it without creating a new federal
entitlement program or raising taxes," Bush said in his weekly radio address.
Democrats, newly in control Congress, reacted skeptically to Bush's proposal
although Sen. Edward Kennedy of Massachusetts said he was pleased the president
"is finally talking about the growing crisis in health care."
Most Americans who have health coverage get it through their employers, but
others receive it through government programs such as those for the elderly, the
disabled and low-income children. Some people also buy it on their own.
Bush's proposal would for the first time allow people to take a tax deduction --
similar to the one used by homeowners for their mortgage costs -- when they buy
health coverage on their own instead of through an employer.
The program is intended to have no effect on government revenues because the
cost of the tax breaks would be offset with other tax changes, according to a
senior administration official who described the proposal to reporters.
Currently, employees who receive health coverage through their jobs do not pay
taxes on the benefit. Bush would cap the amount of coverage that would be
considered tax-free. Anything above that would be taxed as income. The limit for
deductions would be $15,000 for families and $7,500 for individuals. The average
cost of family health coverage is $11,500.
TAX
DEDUCTIONS
While some people would get hit with higher taxes, there would be a windfall for
those who opted for low-cost plans.
For example, a family who bought a $10,000 plan could still take the full
$15,000 deduction and pocket the extra money.
"This is essentially a standard deduction for health care, and the size of the
deduction will be significantly higher than the cost of an average policy," said
a senior White House official. "Because of this, about 80 percent of people with
employer-based plans will see their tax liability fall because their insurance
policies cost less than the deduction."
Bush said the current tax code unfairly penalized people who buy health
insurance on their own while steering some toward "gold-plated" plans that drive
up the cost of coverage.
But Kennedy said he was concerned that the tax changes could undermine
employer-provided coverage while failing to do enough to help the uninsured.
New York Democratic Rep. Charles Rangel, chairman of the House Ways and Means
Committee, said the Bush plan would increase the tax burden on working families.
"This is a dangerous policy that ultimately shifts cost and risk from employers
to employees and could result in a higher number of uninsured," Rangel said.
A few states are experimenting with ways to extend coverage to the uninsured,
including California and Massachusetts. The Bush plan would redirect some money
that now goes to hospitals and other institutions to help states broaden health
coverage.
Bush unveils new health insurance plan, R, 20.1.2007,
http://today.reuters.com/news/articlenews.aspx?type=newsOne&storyID=2007-01-21T011140Z_01_N19343305_RTRUKOC_0_US-BUSH-HEALTHCARE.xml&WTmodLoc=Home-C2-TopNews-newsOne-4
Anti -
Smoking American Milestone
Reached
January 20,
2007
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 3:15 a.m. ET
The New York Times
RENO, Nev.
(AP) -- Thirty years after it began as just another quirky movement in Berkeley,
Calif., the push to ban smoking in restaurants, bars and other public places has
reached a national milestone.
For the first time in the nation's history, more than half of Americans live in
a city or state with laws mandating that workplaces, restaurants or bars be
smoke-free, according to Americans for Nonsmokers' Rights.
''The movement for smoke-free air has gone from being a California oddity to the
nationwide norm,'' said Bronson Frick, the group's associate director. ''We
think 100 percent of Americans will live in smoke-free jurisdictions within a
few years.''
Seven states and 116 communities enacted tough smoke-free laws last year,
bringing the total number to 22 states and 577 municipalities, according to the
group. Nevada's ban, which went into effect Dec. 8, increased the total U.S.
population covered by any type of smokefree law to 50.2 percent.
It was the most successful year for anti-smoking advocates in the U.S., said
Frick, and advocates are now working with local and state officials from across
the nation on how to bring the other half of the country around.
In a sign of the changing climate, new U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi banned
smoking in the ornate Speaker's Lobby just off the House floor this month, and
the District of Columbia recently barred it in public areas. Arizona, Colorado,
Hawaii, Louisiana and New Jersey also passed sweeping anti-smoking measures last
year.
''That's how life is now. They're banning smoking everywhere,'' said Rep. Devin
Nunes, R-Calif., an occasional smoker.
Susan Burgess, the mayor pro tem of Charlotte, N.C., said what's fueling the
push is a U.S. Surgeon General's report released last June that found just a few
minutes inhaling someone else's smoke harms nonsmokers, and separate smoking
sections don't offer enough protection.
She said the report gave momentum to the anti-smoking front even in North
Carolina -- the nation's No. 1 tobacco state -- and influenced Nevada voters to
approve a ballot measure banning smoking at restaurants, bars that serve food,
and around slot machines at supermarkets, gas stations and convenience stores.
Nevada, where gambling and smoking had been assumed to go hand in hand,
previously had one of the nation's least restrictive smoking laws.
''The Nevada vote shows that when people are given accurate information about
the dangers of secondhand smoke, it's almost a no-brainer'' they'll support
smoking controls, said Burgess, founder of the anti-smoking group Smokefree
Charlotte.
Not all elected officials and business owners embrace the cause. They maintain
such laws drive away smoking customers and cut profits.
''There's a fear that we would lose restaurant business to nearby towns if we
passed a smoking ordinance,'' Moline, Ill., Mayor Don Walvaert said. ''Before
acting, we would need real proof that cities have not experienced business
losses because of smoking regulations.''
Nevada's smoking restrictions have been challenged in state court by a coalition
of businesses. Opponents say the ban, which does not apply to the gambling
floors of casinos on and off the Las Vegas Strip, is unconstitutional, vague and
unenforceable.
In Columbia, Mo., one business owner displayed his displeasure at a new local
ordinance banning smoking with a sign: ''Smoking allowed until Jan. 9, City
Council banning beer next, and hopefully, karaoke!''
R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Co. plans to continue to fight smoking bans at adult-only
businesses because it thinks such restrictions infringe on the rights of owners
and adversely affect business, spokesman David Howard said from the company's
headquarters in Winston-Salem, N.C.
But Columbia Mayor Darwin Hindman said studies show bans will not force smoking
customers to go elsewhere. The Surgeon General's report reached a similar
conclusion.
''I don't think it's a legitimate fear that bars and restaurants will lose
business,'' Hindman said. ''From what I've read, smokers keep going to bars and
restaurants even after smoking is banned. Smoking restrictions should be based
on health issues anyway.''
Amy Winterfeld, health policy analyst for the National Conference of State
Legislatures based in Washington, D.C., said smoke-free legislation is pending
in at least seven states.
''When you see an issue like this passing in a number of states it does give it
momentum in other states,'' Winterfeld said. ''It's certainly possible that a
number of states will take it up this year.''
------
On the Net:
Americans for Nonsmokers' Rights:
http://www.no-smoke.org
R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Co.: http://www.rjrt.com
Anti - Smoking American Milestone Reached, NYT, 20.1.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/us/AP-Smoke-Free-America.html
Nicotine
in cigarettes rising:
Harvard study
Thu Jan 18,
2007 4:24 AM ET
Reuters
By Jason Szep
BOSTON
(Reuters) - The amount of nicotine that smokers typically inhale per cigarette
rose by 11 percent from 1998 to 2005, perpetuating a "tobacco pandemic" that
makes it harder for smokers to quit, a Harvard study said on Thursday.
Harvard School of Public Health researchers analyzed data submitted by major
cigarette brands to the Massachusetts Department of Public Health, which in
August released its own study showing nicotine levels steadily rising.
The amount of nicotine that smokers typically consume per cigarette regardless
of brand per year rose by an average of 1.6 percent between 1998 and 2005,
according to the Harvard analysis of the state's health records.
Massachusetts has required tobacco companies to submit annual reports on
cigarette nicotine yields since 1997, longer than any U.S. state.
"Cigarettes are finely tuned drug delivery devices designed to perpetuate a
tobacco pandemic," said Howard Koh, the school's associate dean for public
health practice and former Massachusetts commissioner of public health.
To boost amounts of nicotine inhaled by smokers, cigarette makers intensified
the concentration of nicotine in their tobacco and modified cigarette designs to
increase the number of puffs per cigarette, the Harvard researchers said.
"The end result is a product that is potentially more addictive," the study
said.
Nicotine yields rose in cigarettes of each of the four major manufacturers and
across all major cigarette market categories -- from mentholated and
non-mentholated to full-flavored, light and ultralight, the study said.
Tobacco industry officials were not immediately available to comment. Phillip
Morris, part of Altria Group Inc and the largest cigarette maker, has said
nicotine levels fluctuate from year to year but there has been no steady
increase.
TOUGHER
SCRUTINY URGED
The most recent federal tobacco tax figures showed that the number of cigarettes
sold in the United States fell in 2005 to the lowest level in 55 years, dropping
4.2 percent from 2004, the largest one-year percentage decrease since 1999.
That continued an eight-year decline in cigarette smoking since the 1998 Master
Settlement Agreement between U.S. states and the tobacco industry that settled
state lawsuits over the costs of treating smoking-related illnesses.
"Our findings call into serious question whether the tobacco industry has
changed at all in its pursuit of addicting smokers since signing the Master
Settlement Agreement," said Gregory Connolly, director of the Harvard School of
Public Health's Tobacco Control Research Program.
He said tobacco companies had failed to warn consumers about rising levels of
nicotine since the 1998 settlement, urging U.S. states to step up scrutiny of
the industry.
The major companies that signed the agreement are Philip Morris, a unit of
Altria Group Inc.; R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Holdings Inc.; British American Tobacco
Plc's Brown & Williamson unit; and Lorillard, which trades as Carolina Group and
is part of Loews Corp.
The study received funding from the American Legacy Foundation and the National
Cancer Institute.
The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention considers cigarette smoking
the leading preventable cause of death in the United States. About 440,000
people die each year from lung cancer and other diseases related to tobacco use.
Nicotine in cigarettes rising: Harvard study, R,
18.1.2007,
http://today.reuters.com/news/articlenews.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=2007-01-18T092352Z_01_N17368249_RTRUKOC_0_US-NICOTINE-STUDY.xml&WTmodLoc=Home-C5-domesticNews-2
Overall
cancer deaths
decline again,
but statistics not as rosy
for blacks
Updated
1/17/2007 10:52 PM ET
USA Today
By Anita Manning and Steve Sternberg
The number
of Americans dying of cancer declined for second year in a row, this time by a
much greater number, the American Cancer Society reports, a signal that decades
of advances in prevention and treatment are paying off, experts say.
Although
black women have a 9% lower cancer rate than their white peers, black women have
an 18% higher death rate for all forms of cancer. Black men have a 15% higher
rate of cancer and a 38% higher death rate than white men, a trend that extends
from 1999 to 2003.
These
statistics stand in stark contrast to the cancer society's overall tally, out
Wednesday, showing 3,014 fewer cancer deaths in 2004 than in 2003. Cancer rates
have been declining since 1991, the society says, but the first reported drop in
actual numbers of deaths was a decline of 369 deaths from 2002 to 2003. The 2004
numbers represent only the second drop in more than 70 years of record-keeping.
"The prognosis is grim for African-Americans," says Carla Boutin-Foster,
co-director of New York-Presbyterian/Weill Cornell's Center for Multicultural
and Minority Health. She blamed the disparity on multiple factors, including a
lack of street-level cancer education programs, spotty insurance coverage and
widespread poor nutrition, obesity and inactivity.
Making major gains among blacks represents a challenge because many lack access
to the preventive services and treatment available to other Americans, says
Bruce Chabner, clinical director of the Massachusetts General Hospital Cancer
Center.
"It's a combination of poverty and where they live," he says. "Many live in
rural areas or urban centers served by large municipal hospitals that may not
offer access to early diagnosis and specialty treatments." He said biology also
plays a role. Breast and prostate cancers in blacks can be "more advanced at
diagnosis and more difficult to treat."
Taken as a whole, the report yielded good news. "One of the reasons this is so
remarkable is that we're living to be older, and cancer, like most chronic
diseases, is more common as we age," says Richard Wender, American Cancer
Society president. "So if we can actually reduce the true number of deaths, even
while we're getting older … that's real progress."
The report, Cancer Statistics 2007, says that in 2004 there were 553,888 cancer
deaths compared with 556,902 in 2003.
Other
highlights of the report:
•Deaths from colorectal cancer showed the greatest decline. The rates dropped
5.7%, says Elizabeth Ward, director of surveillance research for the cancer
society. No one factor is responsible, but "the efforts (TV news anchor) Katie
Couric and others have made to educate people about the importance of colorectal
cancer screening, as well as efforts to make it available, for example, for
coverage under Medicare, have played an important role."
•Lung cancer deaths dropped by 333 for men but increased by 347 for women,
because women historically begin smoking later than men, the report says. Men's
lung cancer deaths peaked 15 years ago. "Women are peaking now," Ward says.
•Breast cancer deaths in women declined by 666 cases. The disease is expected to
account for 26% of new cancer cases in women.
•Prostate cancer deaths decreased by 552 cases; prostate cancer accounts for 29%
of new cases.
Overall cancer deaths decline again, but statistics not as
rosy for blacks, UT, 17.1.2007,
http://www.usatoday.com/news/health/2007-01-17-cancer_x.htm
Cancer
deaths
finally on decline in U.S.
Wed Jan 17,
2007 12:12 PM ET
Reuters
By Maggie Fox,
Health and Science Editor
WASHINGTON
(Reuters) - About 3,000 fewer people died from cancer in the United States from
2003 to 2004, the American Cancer Society reported on Wednesday.
It said the big decrease shows that not only has the death rate from cancer been
reversed -- but it has been reversed so much that fewer people are dying, even
though the population of elderly people, who are most susceptible to cancer, is
growing.
The American Cancer Society projected there will be 559,650 deaths from cancer
in 2007. "The Society also predicts there will be 1,444,920 new cases of cancer
in 2007; 766,860 among men and 678,060 among women," it said in a statement.
The society uses a different method to project and calculate deaths now, so the
2007 numbers cannot be compared directly with the 2004 numbers.
"Cancer death rates have been declining for a long time. The declines have now
outpaced the growth and aging of the population," Elizabeth Ward, director of
surveillance research for the American Cancer Society, said in a telephone
interview.
She said a small decline seen in the previous report had grown considerably,
showing the trend was real.
Decreases in smoking may be a major factor, Ward said.
"I think tobacco control has had a real impact. There is also the influence of
early detection and screening and thirdly the influence of improvements in
treatment," Ward said.
The biggest fall in deaths was seen in colorectal cancer, the second-leading
cause of U.S. cancer deaths, which will affect 112,000 people in 2007 and kill
52,000.
"Colorectal cancer really stands out," Ward said.
"There was a drop in both men and women, both a drop in mortality rates and in
cancer incidence." The death rate from colon cancer fell by 5.7 percent in
2003-2004 from the previous year.
GET THAT
COLONOSCOPY
The often-dreaded colonoscopy, recommended for everyone when they reach 50, may
be making a difference, Ward said. "Early detection and screening probably do
make a contribution," she said, adding that better treatments also were a
factor.
Yet only 50 percent of Americans over 50 get the recommended screening.
"We need to continue to encourage colorectal cancer screening because if we are
seeing this much progress at the current rate, we certainly could achieve more,"
Ward said.
The organization makes a yearly compilation of cancer deaths based on data from
the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the National Cancer Institute,
the North American Association of Central Cancer Registries, the U.S. Census
Bureau, state and local health agencies, and thousands of cancer registries.
In 2004, 553,888 people died from cancer, compared to 556,902 in 2003. Fewer
people died from the four leading cancers -- lung, breast, prostate, and
colorectal cancer -- with the exception of lung cancer in women.
The five-year survival rate for all cancer patients between 1996 and 2002 was 66
percent, the group said. That compares to 51 percent between 1975 and 1977.
The four leading causes of cancer in the United States are:
-- Lung cancer, which will be detected in 213,000 people in 2007 and kill
160,000
-- Prostate cancer, which will be diagnosed in 218,000 men and kill 27,000
-- Breast cancer, which will be found in 180,510 men and women and kill 40,900
-- Colon cancer, which will be diagnosed in 112,000 people and kill 52,000.
The statistics do not include skin cancers known as squamous and basal cell
carcinoma, which affect a million people a year.
The full report is available on the Internet at
http://www.cancer.org/statistics
.
Cancer deaths finally on decline in U.S., R, 17.1.2007,
http://today.reuters.com/news/articlenews.aspx?type=healthNews&storyID=2007-01-17T171122Z_01_N17375851_RTRUKOC_0_US-CANCER-USA.xml&src=011707_1213_TOPSTORY_cancer_rate_drops
Schwarzenegger
takes center stage
in U.S. health reform
Fri Jan 12,
2007 9:39 PM ET
Reuters
By Lisa Baertlein
LOS ANGELES
(Reuters) - Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger's plan to extend health insurance to
California's 6.5 million uninsured could help put universal health coverage back
on the national agenda at a time of political change in Washington.
Doubts have been voiced about whether the celebrity governor would be able to
fully fund the ambitious, $12 billion proposal he put forward on Monday.
But after more than a decade since the last big national health care reform
push, Schwarzenegger's timing just may be perfect with a new Democrat-run
Congress taking over in Washington and presidential elections less than two
years away.
"We're really seeing the return of universal health coverage to the national
dialogue," Diane Rowland, executive director of the Kaiser Commission on
Medicaid and the uninsured, told Reuters.
"It propels the discussion and puts more pressure on national candidates,
Congress and the president," she said.
The proposal announced by California's Republican governor -- a budding reformer
who has also crossed party lines to back a state law aimed at curbing greenhouse
gas emissions -- would require everyone in the state to carry insurance and tax
doctors, and hospitals and all but the smallest companies that do not provide
health benefits.
Insurers would no longer be able to deny coverage based on age or pre-existing
health conditions and overhead would be limited to $15 of every $100 in
premiums. The state would also need its federal funding increased to the tune of
more than $5 billion to pay for the proposed plan.
Massachusetts, which has a population about as large as California's ranks of
uninsured, last year became the first state to pass a law requiring all
individuals to buy health coverage.
Employers are the main provider of health insurance in the United States, where
the government pays for the care of the elderly and the poor. Nearly 47 million
Americans lack health coverage, a number expected to continue to rise as the
skyrocketing cost of health care drives up insurance premiums.
Since killing former President Bill Clinton's proposal for universal health
coverage in 1994, U.S. lawmakers have failed to address the health care crisis.
In the current spiral, rising insurance costs are prompting employers to cut
coverage, swelling the ranks of uninsured and overwhelming hospital emergency
rooms with very sick people who cannot pay and who, by law, cannot be turned
away.
'INTERLOCKING PUZZLE'
As federal lawmakers grapple with national issues such as the war in Iraq and
the threat of terrorism, governors in states like Massachusetts, Maine and
Vermont already have adopted plans to cover virtually everyone.
States set a precedent for similar efforts in the early 1990s, when Wisconsin's
then-governor led welfare reform efforts that resulted in a major federal
program that helped states cover children from low-income families.
Schwarzenegger, nursing a broken leg from a holiday ski accident, has received
kudos for bringing relevant interest groups -- doctors, insurers, hospitals,
small business, unions and the Democrats that control the state legislature --
to the table.
"Health care reform is an interlocking puzzle ... if someone tries to take their
piece out, it doesn't work. I think it reflects his understanding that, at the
end of the day, it's not his plan," said health care consultant Peter Harbage,
who participated in the discussions.
Doubts about funding plague any reform effort, and the Schwarzenegger plan is no
different.
"Ultimately, the question here is whether there is enough money to guarantee
that people have access to a quality health plan," said Jacob Hacker, a Yale
University political science professor and author of "The Great Risk Shift,"
about Americans' increasing health care cost burden.
"The answer, it seems pretty clear, is no."
Schwarzenegger takes center stage in U.S. health reform,
R, 12.1.2007,
http://today.reuters.com/news/articlenews.aspx?type=politicsNews&storyID=2007-01-13T023938Z_01_N12213199_RTRUKOC_0_US-CALIFORNIA.xml&WTmodLoc=Home-C5-politicsNews-3
House backs broader
embryonic stem cell research
Thu Jan 11, 2007 5:52 PM ET
Reuters
By Will Dunham
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The new Democratic-led U.S. House of
Representatives voted on Thursday to lift President George W. Bush's
restrictions on federal funding for human embryonic stem cell research.
But the vote of 253-174, largely along party lines, fell short of the two-thirds
majority needed to override a promised presidential veto.
The measure passed after an emotional debate in which supporters touted the
research as the best hope for potential cures for ailments such as Alzheimer's
disease, diabetes, Parkinson's disease and spinal cord injuries.
Opponents condemned it as unethical and immoral. Bush restricted funding for the
research in August 2001.
Bush, whose support base includes conservative Christian voters who tend to
oppose the use of stem cells taken from human embryos, in July used the only
veto of his presidency to date to reject an identical measure.
The White House reiterated Bush's intention to use his veto power, saying
American taxpayers should not pay for research involving the intentional
destruction of human embryos.
The bill is part of a six-measure package that House Democrats vowed to vote on
during their "first 100 legislative hours" after winning control of Congress
from Bush's Republicans in November elections.
Already this week, the House passed two other bills in the Democrats'
legislative package, one to bolster U.S. security and the other to raise the
federal minimum wage.
The stem cell bill now goes to the Senate, where supporters believe it will pass
with a veto-proof two-thirds majority.
The debate can transcend party politics, with some anti-abortion Republicans
strongly supporting the research. Thirty-seven Republicans backed the bill on
Thursday, while 16 Democrats opposed it.
SANCTITY OF LIFE
"I believe this legislation does not seek to destroy life," said House
Democratic leader Steny Hoyer of Maryland.
"It seeks to preserve and protect life," he said. "We have a moral obligation to
provide our scientific community with the tools it needs to save lives."
Many scientists view embryonic stem cells as the potential raw material for a
new era of regenerative medicine, hoping to harness the unique qualities of the
cells to repair damaged tissue. Such therapies are seen as years in the future.
Stem cells are a kind of master cell for the body, capable of growing into
various tissue and cell types. Those taken from days-old embryos are especially
malleable but "adult" stem cells found in babies and adults also have shown
promise.
Rep. Christopher Smith, a New Jersey Republican, favors research on stem cells
not taken from embryos but opposes the current measure.
"Where will this all take us? If this bill were to be passed and signed into
law, we would see the demise -- the destruction -- over time ... of millions of
embryos," he said.
There is no U.S. law against human embryonic stem cell research. Bush's 2001
policy limited federal funding to research on the human embryonic stem cell
colonies, or lines, that existed at the time.
Some scientists say many of those roughly 20 lines are deteriorating,
contaminated or were developed through obsolete methods, making them inadequate
to determine the potential therapeutic value of embryonic stem cells.
The bill would allow federal funding on research involving stem cell lines
derived from embryos created at fertility clinics that would otherwise be thrown
away because they are not needed to implant in a woman to make a baby.
The bill is sponsored by Reps. Mike Castle, a Delaware Republican, and Diana
DeGette, a Colorado Democrat. Last year, the House passed the bill 235-193
before Bush's veto.
House backs broader
embryonic stem cell research, R, 11.1.2007,
http://today.reuters.com/news/articlenews.aspx?type=politicsNews&storyID=2007-01-11T225001Z_01_WAT006848_RTRUKOC_0_US-USA-CONGRESS-STEMCELL.xml&WTmodLoc=Home-C5-politicsNews-3
California’s Governor
Seeks Universal Care
January 9,
2007
The New York Times
By JENNIFER STEINHAUER
LOS
ANGELES, Jan. 8 — Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger on Monday proposed extending health
care coverage to all of California’s 36 million residents as part of a sweeping
package of changes to the state’s huge, troubled health care system.
A total of 6.5 million people, one-fifth of the state’s population, do not have
health insurance, far more than in any other state. At least one million of the
uninsured are illegal immigrants, state officials say.
Under Mr. Schwarzenegger’s plan, which requires the approval of the Legislature,
California would become the fourth and by far the largest state to attempt near
universal health coverage for its citizens. The other three states are Maine,
Massachusetts and Vermont.
The governor outlined his proposal to an audience of health care experts and
reporters via satellite from Los Angeles. He made it clear that a variety of
mechanisms would be used to provide all Californians with insurance and that the
responsibility of providing it would fall on the government, employers, health
care providers and the uninsured themselves.
The plan, which Mr. Schwarzenegger estimated would cost $12 billion, calls for
many employers that do not offer health insurance to contribute to a fund that
would help pay for coverage of the working uninsured. It would also require
doctors to pay 2 percent and hospitals 4 percent of their revenues to help cover
higher reimbursements for those who treat patients enrolled in Medi-Cal, the
state’s Medicaid program.
“Everyone in California must have health insurance,” Mr. Schwarzenegger said.
As he made his proposal, the federal government announced that health care
spending in 2005 showed the slowest growth in six years. [Page A13.]
Mr. Schwarzenegger’s plan includes elements that quickly provoked opposition
from many powerful interests, including doctors and the governor’s Republican
colleagues in the Legislature.
But the speaker of the State Assembly, Fabian Núñez, a Democrat, said in a
statement, “I’m glad the governor is on board with coverage for all kids.”
Over the last two years, state legislatures have grown increasingly concerned
with how to provide health insurance to citizens as the number of employers
offering coverage has fallen and the number of workers entering fields where
health insurance is not an option has grown.
Because of its great size, California is likely to set the stage for a national
conversation about health care this year.
“This is a very significant proposal,” said Karen Davis, president of the
Commonwealth Fund, a nonprofit foundation. “It is not just children he is
talking about. It is really dealing with the whole problem of the uninsured,
with concrete positions to raise revenues to pay for that coverage, and the
philosophy of shared responsibility. I think this shows health care is going to
be a major issue in the 2008 presidential election.”
In many ways, Mr. Schwarzenegger’s proposal mirrors the plan in Massachusetts,
the most comprehensive of its sort, which is projected to cover about 515,000 of
the state’s 550,000 uninsured. The law enacted there transformed a $1 billion
pool that had long paid for health care for uninsured patients into a mechanism
to help subsidize insurance for those who could not afford it.
In many states, spending on Medicaid, the federal government’s health program
for the poor, has surpassed that for education in recent years. In New York,
Gov. Eliot Spitzer has vowed to insure all the state’s children and enroll all
eligible adults in Medicaid. And New Jersey is among a handful of states
considering some form of universal coverage.
Under Mr. Schwarzenegger’s proposal, Medi-Cal would be extended to adults who
earn as much as 100 percent above the federal poverty line and to children,
regardless of their immigration status, living in homes where the family income
is as much as 300 percent above that line, about $60,000 a year for a family of
four. Medi-Cal is currently limited to adults with children, and children with
documented residency are covered if their family’s income is up to 250 percent
above of the poverty line.
Adult illegal immigrants would continue to be barred from Medicaid benefits but
would still be entitled to health services from their counties and the state’s
hospital system.
Employers would have new responsibilities as well. Businesses with 10 or more
workers that choose not to offer coverage would be required to pay 4 percent of
their total Social Security wages to a state fund that would be created to
subsidize the purchase of coverage by the working uninsured. The cost of such
coverage would be measured on a sliding scale depending on what an employee
earned, and employees would be able to pay for it using pretax dollars.
This component seems intended to give employers an incentive to offer health
insurance, and to level the playing field between employers that do not offer
insurance — and are therefore essentially paying lower wages — and those that
do.
“If you look at where the uninsured lie,” said Laura Tobler, a health policy
analyst for the National Conference of State Legislatures, “most of them are
working, and most work for small businesses.”
On the provider side, the governor’s plan contains privileges and
responsibilities. Doctors and hospitals, which have long complained about
Medi-Cal’s low reimbursement rates, would benefit from a $4 billion increase in
annual reimbursement. But the state would tax doctors 2 percent of their total
revenues, and hospitals 4 percent, to help pay for the greater reimbursement.
The proposal would prohibit insurance companies from denying coverage to people
because of their age or health status. They would also be required to put 85
percent of their profits directly into health care services.
Aides to the governor said financing for the program would come from roughly $5
billion in federal money the state believes it will be owed through
restructuring of its health care programs, and through a redirection of state
money that now goes toward what is basically charity care, among other measures.
The chief executive of Blue Shield of California, Bruce G. Bodaken, described
what might happen once the Legislature began to debate the governor’s proposal.
“Taking each part separately, there’s something for everyone to hate,” Mr.
Bodaken said. “But taken as a whole, there’s a lot to like.”
The governor’s plan signals a growing trend among state legislatures. “What we
are seeing this year,” said Enrique Martinez-Vidal, acting director of the State
Coverage Initiatives, a program that assists states looking to expand health
care programs, “is that instead of just trying to take on reform in an
incremental way, there are some states trying to do this in a comprehensive way,
by trying to get buy-ins from all the different players.”
But it is likely to set Mr. Schwarzenegger, a Republican, on a collision course
with many state lawmakers from his party, who are the minority in the
Legislature.
“Some of the areas he put out there we are probably not going to support,” said
State Senator Dick Ackerman, the minority leader. Among his concerns, Mr.
Ackerman said, were the coverage of illegal immigrants, which he said his
members would not support, and a tax on doctors or providers.
“We don’t think taxing folks is something that is popular in California,” he
said in a telephone interview from Sacramento. “But this isn’t going to be an
up-or-down vote on one bill. It will be a debate. And we welcome it.”
California’s Governor Seeks Universal Care, NYT, 9.1.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/01/09/us/09calif.html
Lilly
Settles
With 18,000 Over Zyprexa
January 5,
2007
The New York Times
By ALEX BERENSON
Eli Lilly
agreed yesterday to pay up to $500 million to settle 18,000 lawsuits from people
who claimed they had developed diabetes or other diseases after taking Zyprexa,
Lilly’s drug for schizophrenia and bipolar disorder.
Including earlier settlements over Zyprexa, Lilly has now agreed to pay at least
$1.2 billion to 28,500 people who said they were injured by the drug. At least
1,200 suits are still pending, the company said. About 20 million people
worldwide have taken Zyprexa since its introduction in 1996.
The settlement covers cases filed in state and federal courts by law firms or
groups of firms for 18,000 clients, Lilly said. The federal suits have been
overseen in Brooklyn by Judge Jack B. Weinstein of the Eastern District of New
York.
The settlement will not affect continuing civil or criminal investigations of
Zyprexa by state attorneys general and federal prosecutors.
Both Lilly and lawyers for plaintiffs said they were pleased with the agreement.
With global sales of roughly $4.2 billion last year, Zyprexa is Lilly’s
largest-selling drug and a major contributor to the company’s profits. Lilly
shares were relatively flat after the settlement announcement. They rose 11
cents yesterday, to $52.36.
Zyprexa is the brand name for olanzapine, a potent chemical that binds to
receptors in the brain to reduce psychotic hallucinations and delusions.
Clinical trials show that in many patients, Zyprexa also causes severe weight
gain and increases in cholesterol and blood sugar.
Documents provided to The New York Times last month by a lawyer who represents
mentally ill patients show that Lilly played down the risks of Zyprexa to
doctors as the drug’s sales soared after its introduction in 1996. The internal
documents show that in Lilly’s clinical trials, 16 percent of people taking
Zyprexa gained more than 66 pounds after a year on the drug, a far higher figure
than the company disclosed to doctors.
The documents also show that Lilly marketed the drug as appropriate for patients
who did not meet accepted diagnoses of schizophrenia or bipolar disorder,
Zyprexa’s only approved uses. By law, drug makers may promote their drugs only
for diseases for which the Food and Drug Administration has found the medicines
to be safe and effective, though doctors may prescribe drugs in any way they see
fit.
In response to questions about the information in the documents, Lilly has
denied any wrongdoing and said it provided all relevant information to doctors
and the F.D.A. Lilly has also said it did not promote Zyprexa for conditions
other than schizophrenia or bipolar disorder.
In 2004, a panel of the American Diabetes Association found that Zyprexa caused
diabetes more than other widely used antipsychotic drugs, in part because it
tends to cause much more weight gain. But the F.D.A. has never made a similar
finding. Instead, the F.D.A. added a warning in 2003 to the label of Zyprexa and
other new antipsychotic drugs about their tendency to cause high blood sugar.
In 2005, a $700 million agreement covered 8,000 patients, and the company has
made 2,500 individual settlements whose total value has not been disclosed,
Lilly said. The 2005 settlement valued claims at about $90,000 a plaintiff,
while yesterday’s agreement values claims at about $27,000 a plaintiff, at most.
The lower value for the new claims comes in part because of the F.D.A. label
change, which has allowed Lilly to say that it adequately warned doctors of the
risks of Zyprexa after 2003. The label change may also help to protect Lilly
from future lawsuits, analysts and lawyers say.
In its statement, Lilly said the settlement did not change its view that Zyprexa
is a safe and effective treatment for mental illness.
“We wanted to reduce significant uncertainties involved in litigating such
complex cases,” Sidney Taurel, Lilly’s chief executive, said in the statement.
Richard Meadow, one of the lead lawyers for the plaintiffs, said the deal was
fair to both sides. “Prolonging this litigation further is in no one’s best
interest,” he said.
Lilly Settles With 18,000 Over Zyprexa, NYT, 5.1.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/01/05/business/05drug.html
The
Paths to Universal Health Care
(8 Letters)
January 4,
2007
The New York Times
To the
Editor:
Re “A Healthy New Year,” by Paul Krugman (column, Jan. 1):
Yes! We have a fresh Congress and the promise of new approaches. This could be
the year to break free from the crippling grip of private insurance companies
and provide health care for all, as every other advanced country has long been
doing.
Medicare, despite some fumbles, works extraordinarily well for millions of our
senior citizens. Why not for all? This year we should end our national shame
with respect to health care and join the civilized world. Dora B. Goldstein
Palo Alto, Calif., Jan. 1, 2007
•
To the Editor:
Paul Krugman’s proposed solution for our health care mess is half right. We do
need a public tax-supported insurance system, like Medicare, to replace the
hundreds of private, high-overhead insurance companies. These take 10 to 15
percent of the health care dollar and give little in return.
But that would not control rising costs. Despite much lower overhead, Medicare’s
costs have risen nearly as rapidly as the private sector’s. That’s because
economic incentives encourage overuse of expensive medical technology even when
it is of unproven or marginal benefit.
Fee-for-service payments of physicians, investor-owned facilities and a market
ideology will have to be replaced by salaried physicians working in prepaid
medical groups and by nonprofit ownership. A difficult agenda, but nothing less
will do.
Arnold S. Relman, M.D.
Boston, Jan. 2, 2007
The writer is professor emeritus of medicine and social medicine at Harvard
Medical School and a former editor of The New England Journal of Medicine.
•
To the Editor:
With a tragic milestone reached in Iraq, it is noteworthy that the milestone of
50 million Americans with no medical care coverage is rapidly approaching.
Few working Americans can afford to pay for their health care if they are
seriously ill or injured, or for insurance even when they can obtain it.
Employers pay about half of health care costs, which are rising faster than
inflation because of many factors, including advances in technology and
expensive new medicines.
As a doctor, I often see the tragedy when patients delay needed care because
they can’t pay for it. As an employer, I am faced annually with whether to
accept onerous increases in insurance costs or to ask my employees to shoulder
more of the burden. Our fragmented payment system for health care makes no
sense.
I hope that Congress will begin at once to rectify this disgrace.
William E. Bowman, M.D.
Greensboro, N.C., Jan. 1, 2007
•
To the Editor:
Paul Krugman is correct that the nation must find a path to universal, publicly
financed and administered health care. But where is that path?
The fiscal consequences of a leap to such health care appear to be
insurmountable, yet could it be done in steps?
Perhaps coverage through the Veterans Administration could be the first to be
folded into Medicare. Many veterans are over 65, and all would be offered
broader services.
Covering all children under 16 could be next. Then high-expense procedures like
transplants, as is done with dialysis. Then Medicaid recipients. Finally,
allowing the remaining people — relatively healthy, relatively affluent and
overwhelmingly employed — to use their current private insurance payments to buy
into Medicare.
Could that be the path?
Michael P. Alexander, M.D.
Newton Centre, Mass., Jan. 3, 2007
The writer is a professor of neurology at Harvard Medical School.
To the Editor:
Thank goodness for Paul Krugman’s willingness to repeat his argument on behalf
of us all.
Sadly, his appeal for significant and meaningful change has fallen on deaf ears.
Legislators, not willing to confront a powerful middleman, are sitting by while
lives, jobs, small businesses, international competitiveness and true freedom of
choice in health care are mangled by an entity whose value to our overall health
is questionable.
Carol Salter
Boulder, Colo., Jan. 1, 2007
The writer is a registered nurse.
•
To the Editor:
Paul Krugman (column, Jan. 1) does not discuss a major reason we spend so much
and get so little for our health care dollar.
Insurance and pharmaceutical companies are publicly traded companies whose main
goal is to make money. Their primary mission is not to provide health care
coverage for their members; these are merely tools through which profits are
generated.
Why do we delude ourselves in thinking that these companies would behave more
altruistically than other companies? And why do we think these companies would
relinquish these goals to help provide health care coverage for all?
Kenneth R. Silk, M.D.
Ann Arbor, Mich., Jan. 1, 2007
The writer is a professor of psychiatry at the University of Michigan Medical
School.
•
To the Editor:
In thinking about Paul Krugman’s review of the failed history of health reform,
I am struck by the inherent irony.
Here we are, more than a decade after being buffaloed by the “Harry and Louise”
propaganda of the insurance industry, still watching the numbers of uninsured
millions escalating, still worried about being at the mercies of the H.M.O.’s,
and now hoping that “big government” will finally step in and help us out of
this crazy system.
Yet, with all this, including the clamor to retain and even expand that big
government program — Medicare — we still can’t envision getting to where we need
to be because of our cynicism and distrust of government! John Schlager
Springfield, N.J., Jan. 1, 2007
•
To the Editor:
Paul Krugman’s appeal for universal health care is right on.
While we suffer without the assurance of annual checkups, France, Canada,
Scandinavia, Germany, Britain and others find it within their economic abilities
to leave no person without annual medical exams and more.
The principal reason for our haplessness is, as Mr. Krugman wrote, the lobbying
power of insurance businesses. Just why their intrusion into the equation is
tolerated is beyond logic.
I never saw an insurance agent cure so much as a hangnail.
Gil Weiss
Stamford, Conn., Jan. 1, 2007
The Paths to Universal Health Care (8 Letters), NYT,
4.1.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/01/04/opinion/l04krugman.html
Mother
Wonders
if Psychosis Drug
Helped Kill Son
January 4,
2007
The New York Times
By ALEX BERENSON
At first,
the psychiatric drug Zyprexa may have saved John Eric Kauffman’s life, rescuing
him from his hallucinations and other symptoms of acute psychosis.
But while taking Zyprexa for five years, Mr. Kauffman, who had been a soccer
player in high school and had maintained a normal weight into his mid-30s,
gained about 80 pounds. He was found dead on March 27 at his apartment in
Decatur, Ga., just outside Atlanta.
An autopsy showed that the 41-year-old Mr. Kauffman, who was 5 feet 10 inches,
weighed 259 pounds when he died. His mother believes that the weight he gained
while on Zyprexa contributed to the heart disease that killed him.
Eli Lilly, which makes Zyprexa, said in a statement that Mr. Kauffman had other
medical conditions that could have led to his death and that “Zyprexa is a
lifesaving drug.” The company said it was saddened by Mr. Kauffman’s death.
No one would say Mr. Kauffman had an easy life. Like millions of other
Americans, he suffered from bipolar disorder, a mental illness characterized by
periods of depression and mania that can end with psychotic hallucinations and
delusions.
After his final breakdown, in 2000, a hospital in Georgia put Mr. Kauffman on
Zyprexa, a powerful antipsychotic drug. Like other medicines Mr. Kauffman had
taken, the Zyprexa stabilized his moods. For the next five and a half years, his
illness remained relatively controlled. But his weight ballooned — a common side
effect of Zyprexa.
His mother, Millie Beik, provided information about Mr. Kauffman, including
medical records, to The New York Times.
For many patients, the side effects of Zyprexa are severe. Connecting them to
specific deaths can be difficult, because people with mental illness develop
diabetes and heart disease more frequently than other adults. But in 2002, a
statistical analysis conducted for Eli Lilly found that compared with an older
antipsychotic drug, Haldol, patients taking Zyprexa would be significantly more
likely to develop heart disease, based on the results of a clinical trial
comparing the two drugs. Exactly how many people have died as a result of
Zyprexa’s side effects, and whether Lilly adequately disclosed those risks, are
central issues in the thousands of product-liability lawsuits pending against
the company, and in state and federal investigations.
Because Mr. Kauffman also smoked heavily for much of his life, and led a
sedentary existence in his last years, no one can be sure that the weight he
gained while on Zyprexa caused his heart attack.
Zyprexa, taken by about two million people worldwide last year, is approved to
treat schizophrenia and bipolar disorder. Besides causing severe weight gain, it
increases blood sugar and cholesterol in many people who take it, all risk
factors for heart disease.
In a statement responding to questions for this article, Lilly said it had
reported the death of Mr. Kauffman to federal regulators, as it is legally
required to do. The company said it could not comment on the specific causes of
his death but noted that the report it submitted to regulators showed that he
had “a complicated medical history that may have led to this unfortunate
outcome.”
“Zyprexa,” Lilly’s statement said, “is a lifesaving drug and it has helped
millions of people worldwide with schizophrenia and bipolar disorder regain
control of their lives.”
Documents provided to The Times by a lawyer who represents mentally ill patients
show that Eli Lilly, which makes Zyprexa, has sought for a decade to play down
those side effects — even though its own clinical trials show the drug causes 16
percent of the patients who take Zyprexa to gain more than 66 pounds after a
year.
Eli Lilly now faces federal and state investigations about the way it marketed
Zyprexa. Last week — after articles in The Times about the Zyprexa documents —
Australian drug regulators ordered Lilly to provide more information about what
it knew, and when, about Zyprexa’s side effects.
Lilly says side effects from Zyprexa must be measured against the potentially
devastating consequences of uncontrolled mental illness. But some leading
psychiatrists say that because of its physical side effects Zyprexa should be
used only by patients who are acutely psychotic and that patients should take
other medicines for long-term treatment.
“Lilly always downplayed the side effects,” said Dr. S. Nassir Ghaemi, a
specialist on bipolar disorder at Emory University in Atlanta. “They’ve tended
to admit weight gain, but in various ways they’ve minimized its relevance.”
Dr. Ghaemi said Lilly had also encouraged an overly positive view of its studies
on the effectiveness of Zyprexa as a long-term treatment for bipolar disorder.
There is more data to support the use of older and far cheaper drugs like
lithium, he said.
Last year, Lilly paid $700 million to settle 8,000 lawsuits from people who said
they had developed diabetes or other diseases after taking Zyprexa. Thousands
more suits are still pending.
But Ms. Beik is not suing Lilly. She simply wants her son’s case to be known,
she said, because she considers it a cautionary tale about Zyprexa’s tendency to
cause severe weight gain. “I don’t think that price should be paid,” she said.
Mr. Kauffman’s story, like that of many people with severe mental illness, is
one of a slow and steady decline.
Growing up in DeKalb, Ill., west of Chicago, he acted in school plays and was a
goalie on the soccer team. A photograph taken at his prom in 1982 shows a
handsome young man with a messy mop of dark brown hair.
But in 1984, in his freshman year at Beloit College in Wisconsin, Mr. Kauffman
suffered a breakdown and was found to have the most severe form of bipolar
disorder. He returned home and, after medication stabilized his condition,
enrolled in Northern Illinois University. He graduated from there in 1989 with a
degree in political science.
For the next year, he worked as a bus driver ferrying senior citizens around
DeKalb. In a short local newspaper profile of him in 1990, he listed his
favorite book as “Catch-22,” his favorite musician as Elvis Costello, and his
favorite moment in life as a soccer game in which he had made 47 saves. A few
months later, he followed his mother and stepfather to Atlanta and enrolled in
Georgia State University, hoping to earn a master’s degree in political science.
“He wanted so much to become a political science professor,” Ms. Beik said.
But trying to work while attending school proved to be more stress than Mr.
Kauffman could handle, Ms. Beik said. In 1992, he suffered his most severe
psychotic breakdown. He traveled around the country, telling his parents he
intended to work on a political campaign. Instead, he spent much of the year
homeless, and his medical records show that he was repeatedly admitted to
hospitals.
Mr. Kauffman returned home at the end of 1992, but he never completely
recovered, Ms. Beik said. He never worked again, and he rarely dated.
In 1994, the Social Security Administration deemed him permanently disabled and
he began to receive disability payments. He filed for bankruptcy that year.
According to the filing, he had $110 in assets — $50 in cash, a $10 radio and
$50 in clothes — and about $10,000 in debts.
From 1992 to 2000, Mr. Kauffman did not suffer any psychotic breakdowns,
according to his mother. During that period, he took lithium, a mood stabilizer
commonly prescribed for people with bipolar disorder, and Stelazine, an older
antipsychotic drug. With the help of his parents, he moved to an apartment
complex that offered subsidized housing.
But in late 1999, a psychiatrist switched him from lithium, which can cause
kidney damage, to Depakote, another mood stabilizer. In early 2000, Mr. Kauffman
stopped taking the Depakote, according to his mother.
As the year went on, he began to give away his possessions, as he had in
previous manic episodes, and became paranoid. During 2000, he was repeatedly
hospitalized, once after throwing cans of food out of the window of his
sixth-floor apartment.
In August, he was institutionalized for a month at a public hospital in Georgia.
There he was put on 20 milligrams a day of Zyprexa, a relatively high dose.
The Zyprexa, along with the Depakote, which he was still taking, stabilized his
illness. But the drugs also left him severely sedated, hardly able to talk, his
mother said.
“He was so tired and he slept so much,” Ms. Beik said. “He loved Shakespeare,
and he was an avid reader in high school. At the end of his life, it was so sad,
he couldn’t read a page.”
In addition, his health and hygiene deteriorated. In the 1990 newspaper profile,
Mr. Kauffman had called himself extremely well-organized. But after 2000, he
became slovenly, his mother said. He spent most days in his apartment smoking.
A therapist who treated Mr. Kauffman while he was taking Zyprexa recalls him as
seeming shy and sad. “He was intelligent enough to have the sense that his life
hadn’t panned out in a normal fashion,” the therapist said in an interview. “He
always reminded me of a person standing outside a house with a party going on,
looking at it.”
The therapist spoke on the condition that her name not be used because of rules
covering the confidentiality of discussions with psychiatric patients.
As late as 2004, Mr. Kauffman prepared a simple one-page résumé of his spotty
work history — evidence that he perhaps hoped to re-enter the work force. He
never did.
As Mr. Kauffman’s weight increased from 2000 to 2006, he began to suffer from
other health problems, including high blood pressure. In December 2005, a doctor
ordered him to stop smoking, and he did. But in early 2006, he began to tell his
parents that he was having hallucinations of people appearing in his apartment.
On March 16, a psychiatrist increased his dose of Zyprexa to 30 milligrams, a
very high level.
That decision may have been a mistake, doctors say. Ending smoking causes the
body to metabolize Zyprexa more slowly, and so Mr. Kauffman might have actually
needed a lower rather than higher dose.
A few days later, Mr. Kauffman spoke to his mother for the last time. By March
26, they had been out of contact for several days. That was unusual, and she
feared he might be in trouble. She drove to his apartment building in Decatur
the next day and convinced the building’s manager to check Mr. Kauffman’s
apartment. He was dead, his body already beginning to decompose.
An autopsy paid for by his mother and conducted by a private forensic
pathologist showed he had died of an irregular heartbeat — probably, the report
said, as the result of an enlarged heart caused by his history of high blood
pressure.
Ms. Beik acknowledged she cannot be certain that Zyprexa caused her son’s death.
But the weight gain it produced was most likely a contributing factor, she said.
And she is angry that Eli Lilly played down the risks of Zyprexa. The company
should have been more honest with doctors, as well as the millions of people who
take Zyprexa, she said.
Instead Lilly has marketed Zyprexa as safer and more effective than older drugs,
despite scant evidence, psychiatrists say.
Ms. Beik notes that Stelazine — an older drug that is no longer widely used even
though a federally financed clinical trial showed it works about as well as
Zyprexa — stabilized Mr. Kauffman’s illness for eight years without causing him
to gain weight.
“He was on other drugs that worked,” she said.
Mother Wonders if Psychosis Drug Helped Kill Son, NYT,
4.1.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/01/04/business/04drug.html
|