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2005 > USA > Justice > Death penalty
Lalo Alcaraz
cartoon
LA Weekly
Cagle
7.12.2005
http://cagle.msnbc.com/politicalcartoons/PCcartoons/lalo.asp
DNA tests could show
if Va. executed innocent man
Posted 12/22/2005 10:36 PM
Updated 12/22/2005 10:41 PM
USA TODAY
By Richard Willing
Virginia's governor is preparing to order DNA tests that could
show that a coal miner executed for a rape-murder in 1992 did not commit the
crime.
If the tests, which Democratic Gov. Mark Warner is expected to order before he
leaves office in mid-January, clear Roger Coleman, death penalty opponents say
it would be the first time in the history of the American death penalty that an
executed convict is scientifically shown to be innocent.
"The final argument (of death penalty advocates) is that no innocent person has
been executed," said Richard Dieter, director of the Death Penalty Information
Center, a Washington, D.C., group that seeks to end capital punishment.
"If you find an innocent man who has been executed, that's a final nail through
that," Dieter said.
Ellen Qualls, a spokeswoman for Warner, said the governor's office has
"basically worked out" details of how tests will be conducted with Coleman's
representatives and with a California lab that has held evidence from the crime
scene for about 15 years.
She said a decision on testing will be made shortly.
Forensic Science Associates of Richmond, Calif., performed DNA analysis before
Coleman's execution, using a now-obsolete technique. The tests could not exclude
Coleman as the killer, but could not say definitively that he committed the
crime.
DNA tests developed since that time could exonerate Coleman or confirm his
guilt.
Coleman, a coal miner in Grundy, in southwest Virginia, was convicted of the
1981 rape-murder of Wanda McCoy, his sister-in-law.
He claimed innocence from the start, testifying at his trial that he was
elsewhere at the time the crime occurred.
Several witnesses gave evidence that tended to support his alibi.
Because Coleman's lawyers missed a filing deadline, appeals court judges did not
see additional evidence suggesting that another man raped and murdered McCoy.
Coleman's execution was opposed by Pope John Paul II. Coleman protested his
innocence to the end, and predicted that he would "eventually" be exonerated.
Michael McGlothlin, a Grundy lawyer who prosecuted the case, remains convinced
of his guilt.
McGlothlin's version: The miner was a likely suspect, having been convicted four
years earlier for an attempted rape. Coleman's alibi was countered by other
witnesses. The other man Coleman's supporters say could have been the killer was
investigated and found to have a different blood type than the rapist.
"I'm in favor of testing which can resolve difficult matters, but I'm also in
favor of facts," McGlothlin said."
"Because the facts are inconvenient for Mr. Coleman, that doesn't make them any
less factual," he said.
John McAdams, a political science professor at Marquette University and death
penalty supporter, says opponents will incur a "major hit to their credibility"
if DNA tests confirm Coleman's guilt.
DNA tests could show
if Va. executed innocent man, UT, 22.12.2005,
http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2005-12-22-execution-dna_x.htm
The body of Stanley Tookie Williams lies in
an open casket
after his funeral at Bethel A.M.E. Church
in Los Angeles December 20, 2005.
REUTERS/Lucy Nicholson
Executed Calif. killer Williams
hailed at funeral
R 20.12.2005
http://today.reuters.com/News/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=
2005-12-21T024821Z_01_KRA109151_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
A member of the
"Eastside Crips" flashes gang symbols
while arriving at the Bethel A.M.E. church for the funeral
of Stanley Tookie Williams in Los Angeles December 20, 2005.
REUTERS/Lucas Jackson
Executed Calif. killer Williams
hailed at funeral
R 20.12.2005
http://today.reuters.com/News/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=
2005-12-21T024821Z_01_KRA109151_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
Rapper Snoop Dogg reads a poem he wrote at
the funeral
of Stanley Tookie Williams in Los Angeles December 20, 2005.
REUTERS/Ric Francis/Pool
Executed Calif. killer Williams
hailed at funeral
R 20.12.2005
http://today.reuters.com/News/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=
2005-12-21T024821Z_01_KRA109151_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
Rapper Snoop Dogg
pumps his fist at the funeral
of Stanley Tookie Williams in Los Angeles December 20, 2005.
REUTERS/Lucy Nicholson
Executed Calif. killer Williams
hailed at funeral
R 20.12.2005
http://today.reuters.com/News/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=
2005-12-21T024821Z_01_KRA109151_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
Travon Williams, son of
Stanley Tookie Williams,
punches his fist during Williams' funeral
in Los Angeles December 20, 2005.
REUTERS/Lucy Nicholson
Executed Calif. killer Williams
hailed at funeral
R 20.12.2005
http://today.reuters.com/News/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=
2005-12-21T024821Z_01_KRA109151_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
Bianca Jagger
speaks
at the funeral of Stanley Tookie Williams
in Los Angeles December 20, 2005.
REUTERS/Lucy Nicholson
Executed Calif. killer Williams
hailed at funeral
R 20.12.2005
http://today.reuters.com/News/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=
2005-12-21T024821Z_01_KRA109151_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
Sanitita Jackson sings
as her father The Rev. Jesse Jackson (L) looks on
during the funeral of Stanley Tookie Williams
in Los Angeles December 20, 2005.
REUTERS/Lucy Nicholson
Executed Calif. killer Williams
hailed at funeral
R 20.12.2005
http://today.reuters.com/News/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=
2005-12-21T024821Z_01_KRA109151_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
Executed Calif. killer
Williams
hailed at funeral
Tue Dec 20, 2005 9:50 PM ET
Reuters
By Steve Gorman
LOS ANGELES (Reuters) -
Supporters of Stanley Tookie Williams, including civil rights leaders and masked
gang members, gathered at a church in South Los Angeles on Monday to pay tribute
to a convicted killer whose execution last week prompted renewed debate about
capital punishment.
Some 2,000 people packed the church and spilled into a nearby parking lot as
speakers, including Rev. Jesse Jackson and Nation of Islam leader Louis
Farrakhan, hailed Williams from a pulpit near his casket and denounced the
application of capital punishment in California.
Jackson and others who rallied to Williams' cause described the former leader of
the Crips gang as a man who had achieved redemption on death row by promoting an
anti-gang message and helping to promote a gangland truce.
Williams was executed at San Quentin prison on December 13 for the brutal
murders of four people in 1979.
California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger denied a last minute bid for clemency by
Williams, who maintained his innocence but had exhausted legal appeals.
"Tookie Williams is dead. We are not safer. We are not more secure. We are not
more humane." Jackson said. "The state does not have the moral authority...to
kill."
Outside the church, several dozen young men wore the signature blue T-shirts and
baseball caps of the Crips gang. Some wore blue bandannas over their faces to
conceal their identity.
A hundred or more helmeted police with riot gear lined the street in front of
the church to control the crowd as the four-and-a-half-hour service drew to a
close.
'GOD DETERMINES REDEMPTION'
Rev. Al Sharpton, a civil rights leader who spoke at the funeral by telephone
from New York, lashed out at Schwarzenegger, a former Hollywood action star.
"In the last 25 years, Arnold Schwarzenegger was promoting violence as the
Terminator, while Tookie Williams was writing books of peace and harmony,"
Sharpton said. "We cannot have Terminators determining redemption. God
determines redemption."
Williams was convicted in 1981 of the shooting Albert Owens to death with a
shotgun as the convenience store clerk lay facing down on the floor in a $120
robbery.
Two weeks later, Williams shot and killed Yen-Yi Yang and Tsai-Shai Yang, an
elderly Taiwanese couple who ran a motel, along with their daughter, Yu-Chin
Yang Lin.
In denying clemency, Schwarzenegger noted that Williams had never admitted guilt
or apologized for his crimes and questioned whether he had fully renounced
violence.
Celebrity speakers at Tuesday's funeral included Bianca Jagger and rapper and
former gang member Snoop Dogg, who grew teary eyed as he read a poem in tribute
to Williams.
Farrakhan compared Williams to Jesus, saying both had been betrayed by false
witnesses and sent to their death after politicians failed to intervene. He
called Williams, "the patron saint for all those struggling in the gang life."
"If you feed on the words of brother Stan, he will come closer to you and you
will not only see the redemption of Brother Stan, but you will be part of his
redemption," Farrakhan said.
Barbara Becnel, who had campaigned for Williams' release and witnessed his
execution, closed the funeral by reading a final statement written on death row.
"If I am to die tonight, then the most important message that I want the youth
to remember is that I am no longer a man of war. I die a man of peace," Becnel
said, reading from the statement.
The funeral ended as 100 doves were released outside the church at dusk.
A brief scuffle broke out between apparent members of rival gang factions after
the funeral and was broken up by security personnel by the Nation of Islam.
Despite the repeated calls inside the chapel for peace, three gunshots rang out
from one of the streets nearby as the crowd broke up, prompting some to duck for
cover.
Police said that no one had been hurt and that no arrests had been made.
Executed Calif. killer Williams hailed at funeral,
R, 20.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/News/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-12-21T024821Z_01_KRA109151_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
Date Missed,
Court Rebuffs
Low-I.Q. Man Facing Death
December 17, 2005
The New York Times
By ADAM LIPTAK
Though the Supreme Court has
prohibited the execution of the mentally retarded, a Texas death row inmate who
may be retarded cannot raise the issue in federal court because his lawyer
missed a filing deadline, a federal appeals court ruled this week.
The inmate, Marvin Lee Wilson, has "made a prima facie showing of mental
retardation," a unanimous three-judge panel of the United States Court of
Appeals for the Fifth Circuit wrote in an unsigned decision on Tuesday, meaning
the court presumed Mr. Wilson to be retarded for purposes of its ruling.
But the panel said it was powerless to consider the case because Mr. Wilson's
lawyer filed papers concerning his retardation in a federal trial court without
first obtaining required permission from the appeals court, which he did not
seek until a deadline had expired.
"However harsh the result may be," the panel said, its hands are tied by
deadlines established in a 1996 federal law, the Antiterrorism and Effective
Death Penalty Act. The same law now forbids Mr. Wilson, convicted of killing a
police informant, to appeal the Fifth Circuit's ruling to the Supreme Court.
The Fifth Circuit court, which hears appeals from Texas, Louisiana and
Mississippi, has been frequently criticized by the Supreme Court for its
decisions in capital cases. Still, said James W. Marcus, executive director of
the Texas Defender Service, the Wilson decision surprised him.
"Executing someone who is categorically exempt from the death penalty," Mr.
Marcus said, "would be new ground, even for Texas."
The Supreme Court ruled in 2002 that executing the mentally retarded was
unconstitutional. But it gave the states little guidance about how to make that
determination.
In Texas, under a 2004 decision of its Court of Criminal Appeals, judges
consider three things: whether defendants have "significantly subaverage"
intelligence, using "an I.Q. of about 70 or below" as a benchmark; whether they
lack fundamental social and practical skills; and whether they can demonstrate
that both conditions existed before age 18. Other states look to similar
factors, though some use an I.Q. of 75 as a rough cutoff.
At a hearing in state court in 2004, Mr. Wilson's lawyers presented evidence
from a psychologist, Donald Trahan, who said Mr. Wilson's I.Q. had most recently
been measured at 61. A 1971 test had measured it at 73. In 1987, it was 75.
Dr. Trahan said Mr. Wilson read at a first- or second-grade level, did not
understand how bank accounts worked and had trouble with simple financial tasks
like making change.
A childhood friend, Walter Kelly, said Mr. Wilson had had difficulty with basic
skills as a child.
"He would put on his belt so tight that it would almost cut off his
circulation," Mr. Kelly said. "He couldn't even play with simple toys like
marbles or tops."
Prosecutors presented no evidence of their own at that hearing. In court papers,
they said the nature of Mr. Wilson's crime itself proved that he was not
retarded. The Supreme Court's 2002 decision, they wrote, "was never intended to
protect capital murderers who commit execution-style killings."
Mr. Wilson, now 47, was convicted in 1998 of kidnapping and killing the police
informant, Jerry Williams, in 1992. Information from Mr. Williams had led to Mr.
Wilson's arrest for cocaine possession.
In August 2004, Judge Larry Gist of the state district court in Beaumont, Tex.,
ruled that Mr. Wilson had failed to prove that he was mentally retarded. The
Court of Criminal Appeals affirmed in a three-paragraph decision three months
later.
Mr. Wilson's lawyer, Jim Delee, then sought review in the federal courts but
became tangled in the procedures and deadlines set out in the 1996 law. The
judges who ruled against his client this week were Jacques L. Wiener Jr. and
Emilio M. Garza, both appointed to the appeals court by the first President
Bush, and W. Eugene Davis, by President Ronald Reagan.
This year the Supreme Court banned the execution of people who were under 18 at
the time of their crimes. Mr. Marcus, of the Texas Defender Service, said it
would be inconceivable to execute a juvenile offender even if his lawyer failed
to raise the issue of his age at the proper time.
"If Mr. Wilson had been 14 years old at the time of the crime but, in the eyes
of the court, the issue was raised late, would it be O.K. for Texas to kill
him?" Mr. Marcus said. "The question in this case is no different."
Date Missed, Court Rebuffs Low-I.Q. Man Facing
Death, NYT, 17.12.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/17/national/17death.html
http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/object/article?f=/c/a/2005/12/14/MNG05G7QMA1.DTL&o=0
THE
EXECUTION OF STANLEY TOOKIE WILLIAMS
Eyewitness: Prisoner did not die meekly,
quietly
SFC 14.12.2005
http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2005/12/14/MNG05G7QMA1.DTL
After Williams,
a new dilemma for governor
Next: Gravely ill and blind man, 75,
scheduled to die
Wednesday, December 14, 2005
San Francisco Chronicle
Jim Doyle, Chronicle Staff Writer
Clarence Ray Allen, the next inmate scheduled
to die in San Quentin State Prison's execution chamber, may pose a quandary as
vexing for Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger as Stanley Tookie Williams.
Allen, who has spent more than a quarter-century on Death Row, is slated to die
by lethal injection Jan. 17. He would be the oldest and most infirm prisoner
executed in the United States since the death penalty was restored in 1977,
according to his lawyers.
Allen, who turns 76 on Jan. 16, uses a wheelchair. An advanced case of diabetes
has left him legally blind. He suffered a heart attack Sept. 2.
His lawyers filed a 33-page petition for clemency Tuesday with the governor's
office in Sacramento.
"He's the oldest inmate on California's Death Row. ... He's enfeebled," Michael
Satris, one of Allen's lawyers, said in an interview. "No prisoner in the state
of California has ever been executed at that age.
"It's almost unprecedented worldwide," Satris said. "There hasn't been an
execution in this country for more than 50 years of someone as old as Ray
Allen."
Several condemned inmates at San Quentin are in their 70s, and more than two
dozen are in their 60s.
The state says Allen's deteriorating health is irrelevant.
"He was tried, convicted and sentenced to death, and the law requires that his
sentence be carried out regardless of his age or health," said Nathan Barankin,
a spokesman for Attorney General Bill Lockyer. "It's the same for any other
inmate, whether you are sentenced to death or to 10 years in prison. The law
requires that you serve your sentence and pay the penalty."
In reviewing the case earlier this year, the U.S. Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals
in San Francisco found no doubt that Allen was guilty of commissioning three
murders in Fresno from his prison cell in 1980 while serving a life term for
ordering another murder.
The court wrote that although Allen's trial counsel failed to represent him
adequately, evidence of his guilt was "overwhelming." The panel concluded that
the crimes warranted "the harshest penalty" under the law.
Allen, who ran a security company in Fresno, was linked by prosecutors to a
series of armed robberies in the Central Valley. He was sentenced to life in
prison for ordering the murder in 1974 of his son's girlfriend. From behind bars
at Folsom Prison, prosecutors said, he masterminded the murders in 1980 of three
witnesses from his previous trial and conspired to kill four other witnesses.
A parolee, Billy Ray Hamilton, was convicted and sentenced to death for carrying
out the three murders with a sawed-off shotgun.
The federal appeals court said that by attacking witnesses, "Allen struck the
greatest blow possible upon our criminal justice system." The judges also noted
that Allen had expressed no remorse for the crimes.
Allen's lawyers say the bulk of evidence against him at trial came from
witnesses who were informants and that three of them have since recanted their
testimony.
Their request for clemency, however, is similar to the failed bid that attorneys
for Williams made shortly before he was put to death -- namely, that the state
has nothing to gain by carrying out the execution.
"Ray Allen has been virtually a model inmate for more than two decades on Death
Row," Satris said. "He presents absolutely no danger at this point, as
incapacitated as he is. There's no legitimate state purpose served by executing
him. It would be gratuitous punishment."
Last week, Allen's lawyers filed a lawsuit in U.S. District Court in San
Francisco that seeks a stay of his execution for at least 60 days or until his
medical needs are met. They contend that Allen's ill health has interfered with
his ability to assist his attorneys in preparing his clemency petition.
Allen's lawyers are trying to halt his execution on the grounds that his failing
health has been exacerbated by substandard medical care at San Quentin. Citing a
federal judge's ruling in May that castigated the prison's health care system,
Allen's lawyers say his incarceration and treatment of his illness amount to
cruel and unusual punishment.
Annette Carnegie, one of Allen's lawyers, said the prison had cut off her
client's medication for diabetes and hypertension for no apparent reason from
June to August, which she said may have led to his heart attack.
Since then, Carnegie said, Allen has been transferred from hospital to hospital
and prison to prison, inhibiting his lawyers' access to him.
The attorney general's office says Allen has had plenty of time to prepare his
clemency bid.
"We know from the record that he's met with his attorneys about two dozen times
over the last couple of months," Barankin said, "and he's actively participating
with his attorneys in forming his legal strategy and clemency petition."
After
Williams, a new dilemma for governor
Next: Gravely ill and blind man, 75,
scheduled to die, SFC, 14.12.2005,
http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/c/a/2005/12/14/MNGNKG7Q0T1.DTL
THE EXECUTION
OF STANLEY TOOKIE WILLIAMS
Eyewitness:
Prisoner did not die meekly,
quietly
Wednesday, December 14, 2005
The San Francisco Chronicle
Kevin Fagan, Chronicle Staff Writer
It took 36 agonizing minutes to get to the
defining moment of Stanley Tookie Williams' execution by lethal injection early
Tuesday, and when it came it shot through the stuffy, crowded witness room like
lightning.
Williams lay dead, strapped to his gurney. It was 12:35 a.m. The prison guards
had just ordered the 39 witnesses to leave, and the first to go were three
friends Williams had asked to watch his final moments. It was so quiet that when
one man jangled his pocket change, it echoed off the walls.
Then, just as they crossed the doorway to the chilly outdoors, the three whipped
their heads back and screamed in unison: "The state of California just killed an
innocent man!" Across the room sat Lora Owens, stepmother of one of the murder
victims -- and the stone face she'd worn for the entire execution dissolved. Her
eyes filled with horror, and she burst into tears, pressing a tissue to her
face.
And there it was: The twin emotions enveloping the execution of the 12th man put
to death by California since capital punishment was revived in 1992 after a
quarter-century hiatus.
On one side were the furious supporters of Williams, 51, who co-founded the
Crips gang in the early 1970s but later renounced violence while in prison and
wrote influential books advocating peace. On the other was the trail of
survivors left grieving for the four people he was convicted of shotgunning to
death in 1979 in Southern California.
The two sides never came to a meeting of the minds. Not even in the end.
The dramatics seemed far from anybody's mind when the execution began precisely
at 11:59 p.m. Monday.
The oval door of the death chamber popped open -- it looks like a submarine
hatch -- and Williams shuffled in with a green-uniformed guard on each side,
loosely holding his arms, and three following behind. His wrists were handcuffed
to a waist chain. His eyes were calm behind steel-frame glasses, lips set firmly
above a gray beard.
It looked like it would be just like the nine lethal injections before it:
controlled, noiseless, practically antiseptic.
With a chest like a barrel and bulging arms the size of toned thighs, Williams
had to squeeze with his guards along the 7 1/2-foot-wide chamber's glass window
just to get to the side of the gurney. There, he lay down slowly, and after the
guards unlocked his wrists, he helpfully spread his arms along the gurney and
became still. In two minutes, the team had him lashed down tight: black straps
with buckles at his shoulders, chest, waist, knees and feet, and brown-leather
Velcro straps at his wrists.
Williams stared straight up and his lips moved rapidly, praying quietly. At one
point, a tiny tear slid down his cheek.
The three guards left, and five others walked in.
It was time to insert the needles.
Watching tensely the whole while were the 39 witnesses. They'd been marched into
the witness room by a phalanx of guards a few minutes before midnight and placed
in a half-circle around the death chamber -- 11 in chairs at the window, the
rest on risers against three walls. It's impossible to tell who many witnesses
are, because by prison rules nobody can move from their spot or talk, but they
always consist of four groups: Supporters of the condemned man, supporters of
his victims, 17 media representatives, and more than dozen law enforcement and
legal officials.
In this execution, at least five were related to the four people Williams was
convicted of killing -- convenience store clerk Albert Owens, 26, and motel
owners Yen-I Yang, 76, Tsai-Shai Chen Yang, 63, and their daughter Yee-Chen Lin,
43. Prison sources said the victim witnesses were all from the Owens family.
The three who shouted on their way out were led by bushy-haired Barbara Becnel,
co-author of his anti-gang books. Also witnessing on Williams' behalf were his
attorney, Peter Fleming, and another lawyer.
Nobody said a word at first. Everybody stood rigidly.
The first catheter slid in messily at the crook of Williams' right elbow, taking
just two minutes to seat but spurting so much blood at the needle point that a
cotton swab was soaked, shining deep red before it was taped off.
Then came the real trouble. A medical technician, a woman with short black hair,
had to poke for 11 minutes before her needle hit home.
At the first stick, at 12:04, Williams clenched his toes. At 12:05, he struggled
mightily against the straps holding him down to look up at the press gallery
behind him, dishing out a hard stare for six long seconds. By 12:10 a.m., the
medical tech's lips were tight and white and sweat was pooling on her forehead
as she probed Williams' arm.
"You guys doing that right?" Williams asked angrily, frustration clear on his
face. The female guard whispered something back; it was hard to hear anything
through the thick glass walls of the death chamber. One guard, jaw clenched
tightly, patted Williams' shoulder as if to comfort him.
Outside the chamber, Becnel stood with her two companions -- a woman and a man
-- at the only window with a clear line of sight into Williams' eyes, and it was
as if they were trying to will themselves right through the glass to stand
alongside their friend. They thrust their fists up in what seemed to be a black
power salute, and the man called out softly, "Tookie." They whispered "I love
you" and "God bless you" as they looked adoringly into Williams' eyes.
Meanwhile, 10 feet away, Lora Owens sat stiffly, looking through the glass at
the top of Williams' head. Her thick red hair never moved, and her mouth was a
tight line. A blond woman sitting next to her put her arm around her, and then
removed it and clasped her hands in her lap.
At 12:16 a.m., the second needle was inserted. His hands were taped, mummy-like,
to the gurney arms. The guards hurried out the door and sealed it, leaving
Williams alone with two clear intravenous lines snaking off his arms and into
holes in the back wall of the death chamber.
At 12:18 a.m., a female prison guard loudly read off the warrant proclaiming
that prisoner number C29300 had been sentenced to die and "the execution shall
now proceed." Williams forced his head up one last time to stare into the eyes
of his five friends -- and he kept it raised until he passed out 1 1/2 minutes
later from the first salvo of chemicals, sodium pentothal to put him to sleep.
Sorrow washed over the faces of Becnel and her female companion as his head
sank, and they clasped their hands in prayer.
From there on it was a nail-biting vigil for everyone outside staring in. There
was no way to know which chemicals were being administered because the plungers
sending them into the intravenous tubes are pressed by unseen hands behind the
chamber walls. Williams' chest heaved several times as he lay with his eyes
closed, but somewhere in the 15 minutes from 12:20 to 12:35 a.m., the
executioners filled his veins with pancuronium bromide to stop his breathing,
then potassium chloride to stop his heart.
Finally, someone behind the walls called out, "He's flatlined," and it was over.
A hand shoved a paper through a peephole in the witness room, a guard read off a
quick statement affirming Williams' death, and 30 seconds later the room was
cleared.
That's when the outburst happened. It was the first time since California
restarted executions in 1992 that anybody had yelled or even spoken loudly
during the grim procedure -- and as much as anything, that is what set this
execution apart.
All of the other men killed by lethal injection lay so quietly on the gurney
that, except for a few small movements, it was hard to tell if they were even
awake. Even in the two gassings at San Quentin that preceded the injections,
Robert Alton Harris and David Edwin Mason faced their ends stoically. The
witnesses, too, have never done more than mouth a few silent words and cry
quietly -- and the victim and prisoner advocates certainly never reacted to each
other.
Williams and his friends were different.
It was like they were determined to get through his final minutes on Earth on
their own terms -- even up to the tradition of the condemned man issuing a final
statement. Williams, ever-defiant against the system he considered unfair, gave
no final words to Warden Steve Ornoski, who said later that Williams chose
instead to leave his final message with Becnel. Sources said she may reveal it
at a funeral in Los Angeles on Tuesday.
The main complication in the death chamber this time was the excruciatingly long
wait for the poisons to work. During the last execution, when triple-killer
Donald Beardslee was killed in January, the actual injection process took four
fewer minutes; injections for "Freeway Killer" William Bonin required only four
minutes in 1996. But prison officials had an explanation.
He was a big man," Warden Steve Ornoski said in a post-execution briefing. The
techs didn't have to administer extra shots of chemicals, he said; the poisons
just needed time to work.
It made sense. Williams was the most muscular man put to death in the modern era
of executions in California, and it appeared as if his bulky body was fighting
off the inevitable, even after consciousness and the ability to move had fled.
This was not a man who went meekly.
THE
EXECUTION OF STANLEY TOOKIE WILLIAMS > Eyewitness: Prisoner did not die meekly,
quietly, SFC, 14.12.2005,
http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2005/12/14/MNG05G7QMA1.DTL
Execution Ignites New Fire
in Death Penalty
Debate
December 14, 2005
The New York Times
By SARAH KERSHAW
SAN FRANCISCO, Dec. 13 - As plans were under
way to hold a large public funeral for Stanley Tookie Williams, the former
gangster executed by lethal injection early Tuesday morning, and scatter his
ashes in South Africa, his death was stirring fresh passion on both sides of the
debate over capital punishment in California.
There was also debate within the debate over what impact the execution would
have, either on a spate of scheduled executions here or the broader question of
where California was headed on the death penalty.
Critics of the death penalty, who, among others across the nation and around the
world, helped lead one of the most highly publicized campaigns in decades to
save a death row inmate's life, said Mr. Williams's execution had already
galvanized public opposition to capital punishment. They said the execution
would become a powerful tool in their fight to overturn the death penalty, or at
least suspend executions in the state.
It is possible that at least five death row inmates in California could be
executed in the next year. Of the five, only one, Clarence Ray Allen, 75, the
oldest condemned prisoner in the state, has a scheduled execution date, Jan. 17.
"It was a profoundly sad day this morning when they killed Stanley Williams, a
needless act of violence by the state that accomplishes nothing," said Lance G.
Lindsey, executive director of Death Penalty Focus, one of the groups that
rallied to Mr. Williams's cause.
Mr. Lindsey said his group was hopeful that the publicity surrounding the
Williams case would aid in the effort to have capital cases more closely
scrutinized in California.
Most Californians support the death penalty, although those numbers have begun
to decline in recent years, according to several polls.
Mr. Williams, 51, a co-founder of the Crips gang of Los Angeles who was
convicted of murdering four people in 1979, had become, to his supporters, an
example of jailhouse redemption and a powerful critic of gang life, both from
his cell and through his writings.
Mr. Williams, who was executed at 12:35 a.m. Tuesday at San Quentin State
Prison, maintained his innocence and pursued a series of legal appeals,
including a petition to Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger for clemency and another for
a stay of his execution, until the final moments of his life. Mr.
Schwarzenegger, a Republican, cited Mr. Williams's refusal to admit to the
murders as a reason he denied the request to commute his sentence to life in
prison.
To those who supported his execution, Mr. Williams was a remorseless, brutal
killer responsible for starting a notorious gang now blamed for the death of
perhaps thousands of people. And advocates for the death penalty said they did
not believe his case would hold special sway here with either the public or
lawmakers considering a temporary moratorium on executions.
"I can't see in what sense it would lend momentum," said Michael Rushford,
president of the Criminal Justice Legal Foundation in Sacramento.
He added that Mr. Williams's supporters, including the rap star Snoop Dogg, and
the Rev. Jesse Jackson, "picked the wrong guy" to show what was wrong with the
death penalty.
"It would be like picking Hitler for clemency," he said. "I don't know of a
criminal enterprise that has caused more harm than the Crips. Timothy McVeigh
didn't kill as many people as Tookie's gang did last year in Los Angeles
itself."
But Barbara Becnel, a close friend and an editor of Mr. Williams's books who was
arranging his funeral, said she would continue to try to prove his innocence.
"For the people who opposed Stan," Ms. Becnel said, "they wanted to blame him
directly for everything the Crips did. The Crips was a local gang, an L.A. gang,
albeit a large one, when he was arrested in 1979. They arrest him and set him up
and he never sees the light of day again and the gang becomes statewide,
nationwide, worldwide."
Ms. Becnel added, "Is a dead man going to be responsible for everything that the
Crips do from here on out?"
She watched the execution, which took 36 minutes and 15 seconds, said reporters
who witnessed it, longer than expected, as a nurse struggled for about 12
minutes to insert a needle into Mr. Williams's left arm.
Ms. Becnel described the procedure as "an absolutely barbaric display of truly
how cruel the punishment of the death penalty is."
"It took the staff at San Quentin 35 minutes to kill Stan," she said. "During
the course of their bumbling, we watched him grimace in pain, we watched him
finally reach a point of frustration, where you saw him lift his head up, and
you could see he was saying, Can't you just do this?"
Ms. Becnel said she was arranging to have Mr. Williams's body flown to Los
Angeles, where she said a funeral with an open coffin was being planned for
Monday or Tuesday. She said Mr. Williams, who was visited by Winnie
Madikizela-Mandela at the prison in 1999, requested that he be buried under a
yohimbe tree in South Africa or that his ashes be scattered over the "Blue Nile
River, to feed the fishes and other organisms."
She said she was making plans to scatter the ashes somewhere in South Africa,
with a memorial there planned for sometime in January.
An aide to Ms. Mandela, the former wife of Nelson Mandela, told a South African
newspaper, Beeld, on Tuesday that "she will keep her promise to ensure that
Williams is buried in South Africa."
Joe R. Hicks, a former board member of Death Penalty Focus, a San Francisco
group that opposes the death penalty, who now supports capital punishment, said
Mr. Williams deserved to die.
But Mr. Hicks, now the vice president of a conservative Los Angeles group,
Community Advocates, said he believed that Mr. Williams's execution would touch
off "an upsurge of anti-death-penalty work that may have some effect on upcoming
campaigns to get rid of the death penalty in California."
"There will be an increased frenzy around this," he said. "And it will all spin
off the Tookie case."
Carolyn Marshall contributed reporting from San Francisco for this article.
Execution Ignites New Fire in Death Penalty Debate, NYT, 14.12.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/14/national/14tookie.html
Execution puts spotlight
on moratorium
effort
Tue Dec 13, 2005 7:37 PM ET
Reuters
SAN FRANCISCO (Reuters) - The execution of
Stanley Tookie Williams has put the spotlight on a campaign by opponents of the
death penalty for state legislation that would temporarily halt capital
punishment in California.
Assemblyman Paul Koretz, a Democrat, said on Tuesday he would renew a push for a
bill he introduced earlier this year that calls for the state to stop executing
condemned prisoners until January 1, 2009, so a committee can investigate
whether California's justice system sends innocent people to death row.
"It's targeted at the accuracy of the system," Koretz said of his bill. "If you
don't execute people for a couple of years, I don't see the great harm, but you
could prevent an innocent person from being executed."
Koretz predicted that Democrats, who control California's legislature, in the
state Assembly would rally behind his bill following Williams' execution, and
provide enough votes to overcome expected opposition by minority Republicans.
Williams was the 12th person executed since California reinstated the death
penalty in 1977.
Koretz's bill will have a legislative hearing a week ahead of the state's next
scheduled execution, but the lawmaker said the bill was unlikely to influence
the state's planned execution of Clarence Ray Allen.
Allen, 75, is scheduled to die on January 17, 2006, for ordering three murders
while serving a life-sentence in prison for arranging the murder of his son's
girlfriend, a potential witness against him in a burglary case.
Execution puts spotlight on moratorium effort, R, 13.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=2005-12-14T003702Z_01_SPI401891_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-CALIFORNIA.xml
Protesters outside San Quentin State prison
burn an American flag.
Associated Press photo by Eric Risberg
SFGate.com
http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/object/article?o=8&f=/c/a/2005/12/14/MNG05G7QMA1.DTL
THE
EXECUTION OF STANLEY TOOKIE WILLIAMS
Eyewitness: Prisoner did not die meekly,
quietly
SFC 14.12.2005
http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2005/12/14/MNG05G7QMA1.DTL
Stanley Tookie
Williams,
Crips Gang Co-Founder, Is Executed
December 13, 2005
By SARAH KERSHAW
The New York Times
SAN FRANCISCO,
Dec. 13 - Stanley Tookie Williams, a condemned gangster whose execution drew
more national and international attention than any here in decades, was executed
by lethal injection and pronounced dead at 12:35 this morning at San Quentin
State Prison.
Mr. Williams, 51, a co-founder and leader of the Crips gang of Los Angeles who
was convicted of the brutal murders of four people in 1979 amid an avalanche of
gang violence there, had become, to his supporters, an icon of jailhouse
redemption and a powerful critic from his cell on death row and through his
writings of the perils and misguided allure of the gang life on the nation's
urban streets.
Outside the gates of San Quentin, an estimated 1,000 people held a largely
peaceful vigil, reading aloud from Mr. Williams's books, with some, shortly
after midnight Monday, shouting, "Long live Tookie Williams!" At 12:38 a.m.,
three minutes after Mr. Williams was pronounced dead - after a process that took
36 minutes and 15 seconds from the time Mr. Williams was brought into the
chamber - the crowd sang "We Shall Overcome."
Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger on Monday rejected arguments that Mr. Williams was
either innocent of capital murder or deserving of mercy because of his claims of
redemption, and denied a clemency petition to commute his sentence to life in
prison. Late Monday, Mr. Schwarzenegger also turned down a request from the
defense for a stay of execution based on a last-minute claim of innocence citing
new accounts from witnesses.
And at about 11:30 p.m. Monday, the governor rejected a second request for a
60-day reprieve, a legal appeal that prison officials said slightly delayed the
start of the execution, originally scheduled for 12:01.
Among the 39 witnesses - including journalists, victims' relatives, Mr.
Williams's lawyers and supporters and prison officials - several of the
journalists who said they had witnessed other executions described the lethal
injection procedure as unusually long, as a nurse struggled to insert a needle
in Mr. Williams's muscular left arm for about 12 minutes. Mr. Williams, who was
strapped to what looked like a tilted-back dental chair inside the sea-foam
green death chamber, appeared frustrated, witnesses, including the prison
warden, said.
Several times he lifted his head from the gurney to look up at his supporters,
some of who were blowing kisses, and he was mouthing "I love you," the witnesses
said.
The prison warden, Steve Ornoski, said the execution was not unusually drawn
out, although he did say he noticed that Mr. Williams, who appeared to be trying
to help his executioners during the process, seemed exasperated.
"It depends on the person's veins and whether they are readily accessible," Mr.
Ornoski said. "And also it's a high pressure assignment for someone that's in
front of so many people."
Mr. Williams, who was among 651 death row inmates at San Quentin, today became
the 12th man executed in the state since California reinstated the death penalty
in 1978.
While witnesses are expected to be silent during an execution, when Mr. Williams
was pronounced dead, three of the five witnesses he asked to watch him die
shouted, "The state of California just killed an innocent man!"
Lora Owens, the stepmother of Albert Owens, a 26-year-old clerk at a Los Angeles
7-11 whom Mr. Williams was convicted of killing at point blank range with a
sawed off shotgun, was stoic as she watched the execution, witnesses said. But
after the outburst from Mr. Williams's supporters, Ms. Owens, who said earlier
that the execution would finally bring justice to her stepson, broke down in
tears, the witnesses said.
Besides the governor's refusal to spare his life, Mr. Williams had suffered two
other setbacks Monday, as first a federal appeals court and then the Supreme
Court ruled against granting a stay of execution.
In his decision denying clemency, issued less than 12 hours before Mr. Williams
was scheduled to die, Mr. Schwarzenegger wrote that the case had been appealed
to various courts since Mr. Williams was condemned in 1981, each one upholding
his conviction.
The governor described the four murders in chilling detail, cited a long list of
the evidence against Mr. Williams, and said the proof of his guilt was "strong
and compelling."
"Without an apology and atonement for these senseless and brutal killings," Mr.
Schwarzenegger wrote, "there can be no redemption. In this case, the one thing
that would be the clearest indication of complete remorse and full redemption is
the one thing Williams will not do."
The Rev. Jesse Jackson, who joined several hundred protestors at San Quentin and
visited Mr. Williams twice Monday, said he had been the first person to tell Mr.
Williams about the governor's decision, which most people had agreed was to be
the final word on his fate, despite the last minute legal appeals.
"I told him the clemency had been rejected," Mr. Jackson said in a telephone
interview as he was leaving the prison late Monday evening. "He kind of grimaced
and then he smiled and said, 'We will not give up hope.' "
The clemency request was based on what lawyers for Mr. Williams said was
evidence of his dramatic turnaround in prison, where Mr. Williams became a vocal
critic of gang violence, speaking out through children's books, lectures and
memoirs. One memoir was the basis for a 2004 television film, "Redemption,"
staring Jamie Foxx, one of the many celebrities, including rap star Snoop Dogg,
and activists who rushed to join the effort to save Mr. Williams's life in
recent weeks.
"Our petition for clemency was based on Stanley Williams's personal redemption,
his good works and positive impact that those works have had on thousands and
thousands of kids across this country and on Williams's ability to continue to
do those good works going forward," Jonathan Harris, one of his lawyers, said at
a news conference in Sacramento on Monday.
"I have spent many an hour with Stanley Williams," Mr. Harris said, "and I
refuse to accept that Stanley Williams's redemption is not genuine." He said the
defense team had failed to persuade the governor to meet with Mr. Williams.
In his decision, the governor cited a planned escape by Mr. Williams while he
was awaiting trial that involved his "blowing up a jail transportation bus and
killing the deputies guarding the bus" as an example of behavior that is
"consistent with guilt, not innocence." He also said there was no evidence that
Mr. Williams's speaking out against gang violence had any effect on "the
continued pervasiveness of gang violence" in crime-ridden neighborhoods.
Alice Huffman, president of the California State Conference of the N.A.A.C.P.,
joined Mr. Harris at the news conference and said the governor's decision to
allow the execution to go forward was politically motivated. It comes at a time
when he is under fire from his own party for appointing a Democrat as his new
chief of staff and after the defeat of four ballot measures he supported during
a special election in November.
But the governor's office declined to elaborate on his decision to deny
clemency.
Polls show that a majority of Californians supports the death penalty.
As Mr. Williams's supporters rallied around the state Monday and Tuesday, with
no reports of violence, as some had feared, from police, others said he deserved
to be executed.
Before leaving for San Quentin to witness the execution, Ms. Owens told CNN:
"I'm just glad that we're almost to the end of this. I'm glad that finally
Albert is going to have the justice he deserves."
In South Los Angeles, where the Crips have been blamed for hundreds of killings,
several residents said they believed that if Mr. Williams was guilty, he should
be put to death.
"If he'd have killed your daughter, you'd want him dead," said Lee Johnson, 89,
a retired construction worker. "He killed somebody. You got to pay for what you
do."
At San Quentin at 6 p.m. Monday, officials moved Mr. Williams into what is known
as the "death watch cell," a 6-by-8-foot enclosure with a toilet and a sink
about 15 feet from the execution chamber. They said he was searched, given a
change of clothes - blue denim jeans and a blue T-shirt - and a stack of 50 to
75 letters from friends, school children and others.
Over the next few hours, he watched some television in a guarded adjacent cell
but spent most of the time on the telephone with lawyers and supporters,
discussing their failed last-ditch efforts to have the governor intervene, the
officials said.
Mr. Williams decided in the final hours to allow five personal witnesses to his
death, the number to which he was entitled, including Barbara Becnel, his
longtime friend and advocate, who will take possession of his body but who did
not yet release details of funeral arrangements.
Mr. Jackson said he had tried to persuade Mr. Williams to have witnesses there,
saying to him, "You need to leave with a look in the face of the people who love
you and not a look in the face of the executioners. You need to have witnesses.
When it's over, your friends can tell your story."
Mr. Williams did not request a last meal, although he ate oatmeal earlier in the
day Monday and drank water and milk throughout the day and evening, prison
officials said.
In an interview with the New York Times at the prison on Nov. 29, Mr. Williams
said of the traditional last rite, "I'd be out of my mind to accept a meal from
a place that wants to destroy me."
Mr. Williams's supporters and lawyers who had seen him in recent days said he
was at peace with his imminent death.
But, in the Times interview he said: "To threaten me with death does not
accomplish the means of the criminal justice system or satiate those who think
my death or my demise will be a closure for them. Their loved ones will not rise
up from the grave and love them. I wish they could. I sympathize or empathize
with everyone who has lost a loved one. But I didn't do it. My death would not
mollify them."
Of the execution, he said: "I'll go through it with dignity, with integrity,
with love and bliss in my heart. I smile at everything, and I'm quite sure I'll
smile then, too."
Carolyn Marshall, Michael Falcone and Adam Liptak contributed reporting from
San Quentin, Calif. for this article, and Cindy Chang from Los Angeles.
Stanley Tookie Williams, Crips Gang
Co-Founder, Is Executed, NYT, 13.12.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/13/national/13cnd-Tookie.html
Ex-Crips
leader Williams executed
Tue Dec 13, 2005
10:33 AM ET
Reuters
By Adam Tanner
SAN QUENTIN,
California (Reuters) - California prison officials executed Stanley Tookie
Williams, the ex-leader of the Crips gang who brutally killed four people in
1979, early on Tuesday after Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger and top courts rejected
appeals to spare his life.
The time of death was 12:35 a.m. PST (0835 GMT) Tuesday.
Some 2,000 opponents of the death penalty gathered outside the gates of San
Quentin, where civil rights leader Rev. Jesse Jackson addressed the crowd and
folk singer Joan Baez sang spirituals.
The execution by lethal injection at San Quentin State Prison north of San
Francisco followed a frenzied but failed effort to reopen the case by supporters
of Williams, 51, who repudiated gang life during his 24 years on death row.
The case generated fierce debate over the death penalty in the United States
because Williams has written a series of books warning young people against
gangs.
Witnesses said guards struggled for about 12 minutes to place the needle in a
vein in his left arm, frustrating Williams who occasionally spoke with the
guards preparing his death, asking at one point: "Still can't find it?"
After he was strapped down, he raised his head often, especially to look at
Barbara Becnel, the editor of his books and foremost supporter who helped bring
broad publicity to his case. After his death, Becnel and two other supporters
broke the silence in the witness room, saying: "The state of California just
killed an innocent man."
A relative of one of the victims wept as the prisoner's supporters made their
defiant statement.
Becnel and other supporters said Williams' anti-gang work showed the inmate had
changed fundamentally in the half of his life he has spent in prison. But
Schwarzenegger and others said his continued protestations of innocence negated
any claim that he had redeemed himself.
"Stanley Williams insists he is innocent, and that he will not and should not
apologize or otherwise atone for the murders of the four victims in this case,"
Schwarzenegger wrote on Monday in denying clemency.
"Without an apology and atonement for these senseless and brutal killings there
can be no redemption."
"Based on the cumulative weight of the evidence, there is no reason to second
guess the jury's decision of guilt or raise significant doubts or serious
reservations about Williams' convictions and death sentence."
CROWDS PROTEST AT
PRISON
Jackson said he broke the news on Monday afternoon that Schwarzenegger had
denied clemency as Williams met several supporters in prison.
"He said 'Don't cry, let's remain strong,'" Jackson told Reuters. "He smiled,
you know, with a certain strength, a certain resolve."
"I think he feels a comfort in his new legacy as a social transformer," Jackson
said.
"I am not the kind of person to sit around and worry about being executed,"
Williams told Reuters last month. "I have faith and if it doesn't go my way, it
doesn't go my way."
Williams was convicted in 1981 of killing Albert Owens as he lay face down on
the floor of a 7-Eleven convenience store in a $120 robbery. Two weeks later,
Williams shot dead an elderly Taiwanese immigrant couple running a motel, as
well as their visiting daughter.
At the Vatican, Pope Benedict's advisor for justice issues, Cardinal Renato
Martino, condemned the execution and called the death penalty "the negation of
human dignity."
Prison officials said Williams was composed and cooperative and said he did not
request a final meal after eating oatmeal and drinking milk earlier in the day.
Among the throng gathered outside the prison was Christina Williams, 23, who
said: "I wanted to show them we oppose the death penalty even if you are a
murderer." She held hands with her two young children and wore a "Save Tookie"
button on his jacket. "He changed his life and deserves a second chance."
The nation's top courts disagreed.
On Monday, the U.S. Supreme Court as well as the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals
rejected final appeals to reconsider the case.
(Additional reporting by Michael Kahn)
Ex-Crips leader Williams
executed, R, 13.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/News/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-12-13T153334Z_01_MCC908296_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
Thousands
gather
to protest at Williams execution
Tue Dec 13, 2005
5:27 AM ET
Reuters
By Michael Kahn
SAN QUENTIN,
California (Reuters) - Some dropped to their knees in prayer, others held
candles but many in the crowd of thousands that gathered to protest the
execution on Tuesday of Stanley Tookie Williams simply waited silently for the
inevitable.
The crowd began gathering early on Monday and quickly swelled with people of all
ages to mark one of the largest protests in recent memory during an execution at
the gates of the prison overlooking San Francisco Bay.
Dozens of police officers lined the road and television news helicopters hovered
above the crowd. Residents stood on their stoops and climbed onto roofs to get a
clear view of speakers that included Jesse Jackson, actor Mike Farrell, former
gang members and leaders of the Nation of Islam.
Many in the crowd carried signs calling for an end to the death penalty while
others read simply: "Save Tookie."
Folk singer Joan Baez sang spirituals.
The execution by lethal injection at San Quentin State Prison followed a
frenzied but failed effort to reopen the case by supporters of Williams, who
repudiated gang life during his 24 years on Death Row.
The case has generated widespread interest and fierce debate over the death
penalty in the United States because Williams, 51, has written a series of books
warning young people against gang violence.
Shantel Lockhart, 16, a high school senior from nearby Fairfield, said she has
followed the Williams case the past few years and wanted to show her support for
the former gang leader even though she had school early the next morning.
"For all the good he has done, he doesn't deserve to die," she said.
Protesters who had attended previous executions said this was one of the largest
such rallies of its kind. Many smaller and more personal protests broke out
among the larger crowd.
At one end, a group holding crosses sang religious hymns while along the
sidewalk a number of people sat silently in protest with candles burning in
front of them. Others banged drums or prayed.
After midnight, as the execution drew near, the crowd grew quiet and some began
to cry. One woman knelt on her hands and knees to pray, clutching prayer beads
and bowing her head.
The size of the crowd made it difficult to tell when Williams actually died but
shortly after word filtered through the crowd many turned and shuffled quietly
back to their cars.
Williams, ex-leader of the violent Crips gang, was put to death for brutally
killing four people in 1979 in crimes for which he has maintained his innocence.
Thousands gather to protest
at Williams execution, R, 13.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/News/NewsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-12-13T102739Z_01_FOR337638_RTRUKOT_0_TEXT0.xml&related=true
Senior Vatican
cardinal
condemns Tookie execution
Tue Dec 13, 2005
8:25 AM ET
Reuters
VATICAN CITY
(Reuters) - The senior Vatican cardinal who is Pope Benedict's point man for
justice issues on Tuesday condemned the execution of Stanley Tookie Williams as
a "terrible" event.
"Our society should be a society which promotes life and not death," Cardinal
Renato Martino, head of the Vatican's Justice and Peace department, told Reuters
Television.
Martino, speaking shortly after the execution of Williams in California,
repeated the Roman Catholic Church's stand against capital punishment.
"This is terrible because you know the death penalty is a penalty where there is
no alternative, there is no possibility for the human being who happens to be a
criminal - to be corrected, to reform, to become a good citizen," he said.
"With the death penalty you don't give that alternative and that is not taking
into account the many, many mistakes and errors, judicial errors that we
discover from time to time were committed and innocent people were executed," he
said.
California prison officials executed early on Tuesday the 51-year-old ex-leader
of the Crips gang who brutally killed four people in 1979 after top courts and
Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger rejected final appeals to spare his life.
Williams, who repudiated gang life during his 24 years on Death Row, always
maintained his innocence over the murders.
Martino later told a news conference that the death penalty was "the negation of
human dignity".
Senior Vatican cardinal
condemns Tookie execution, R, 13.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/News/NewsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-12-13T132233Z_01_FOR344575_RTRUKOT_0_TEXT0.xml&related=true
Stanley Williams
24 years of appeals from death
row
Tuesday December 13, 2005
The Guardian
Sam Jones
Stanley "Tookie" Williams
co-founded the Crips gang in Los Angeles in 1971. The gang has been blamed for
causing hundreds of deaths during the decades it spent fighting its rivals the
Bloods for control of the streets and drug trade.
In 1981, Williams was charged
with four murders. The prosecution said he shot dead a 26-year-old convenience
store clerk during a hold-up in 1979, and murdered a mother, father and daughter
in a motel robbery 12 days later. Williams claimed he was innocent, but was
convicted.
During his 24 years on death row at San Quentin prison in California, Williams
wrote a number anti-gang books for children and spoke to groups by telephone
about his regrets over having started a gang responsible for many deaths. He
also launched a series of appeals.
Law enforcement officials including the Los Angeles county district attorney,
Steve Cooley, fiercely opposed clemency. Mr Cooley has called Williams a
cold-blooded killer who "left his mark forever on our society by co-founding one
of the most vicious, brutal gangs in existence".
In October, the US supreme court ruled against Williams' last appeal. He had
claimed that someone else killed one of the four victims, and that he was only
connected to the others by shoddy forensic evidence.
On Sunday, the California supreme court voted unanimously to deny a stay of
execution. Williams' lawyer filed a 150-page habeas corpus petition and request
for a stay of execution. But that was denied on Monday morning by three judges
who said there was no "clear and convincing evidence of actual innocence".
Williams' lawyers also took their pleas for mercy to the governor of California,
Arnold Schwarzenegger, to whom Williams had sent a personal appeal. But Mr
Schwarzenegger refused last night.
24 years of appeals from death row, G, 13.12.2005,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,,1666024,00.html
A guard
tower stands
near the entrance of San Quentin State Prison
in San Quentin,
California,
in this December 6, 2004 file photo.
Barring last-minute court intervention,
officials will administer a lethal injection
to former Crips gang leader Stanley
Tookie Williams
at 12:01 a.m. PST on Tuesday
in the death chamber at San Quentin State Prison.
REUTERS/Lou
Dematteis/Files
Gang leader set to die as appeals fail
R 12.12.2005
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=fundLaunches&storyID=
2005-12-13T045005Z_01_MCC908296_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
A guard stands
at the gate of the San
Quentin prison
in San Quentin, California December 12, 2005.
REUTERS/Kimberly White
Gang leader set to die as appeals fail
R 12.12.2005
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=fundLaunches&storyID=
2005-12-13T045005Z_01_MCC908296_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
View of the North Block entrance to Condemned
Row
at San Quentin, California October 25, 2004.
The state has condemned 629 criminals to die since the California legislature
re-enacted the death penalty in 1977,
but it very rarely metes out society's ultimate punishment.
In fact, the state
has only put 10 people to death
since resuming executions in 1992.
Photo by Clay Mclachlan/Reuters.
Slow to Execute, California Sees Death Row Swell
Reuters Tue Nov 9, 2004
01:36 PM ET
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=domesticNews&storyID=6761858
San Quentin's
execution room,
designed as a gas chamber,
is now set up for lethal injections.
California
Department of Corrections photo, 1996, via AP
Execution's strict protocol >
Cold efficiency and precise procedures govern
the final day of the condemned at San Quentin
SFC 12.12.2005
http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=
/c/a/2005/12/12/MNGBNG6N2E1.DTL
The lethal injection table in the execution
chamber
at San Quentin was first used for the execution of William Bonin in
1996.
California Department of Corrections photo,
1996, via Associated Press
Execution's strict protocol >
Cold efficiency and precise procedures govern the final day of the condemned at
San Quentin
SFC 12.12.2005
http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/c/a/2005/12/12/MNGBNG6N2E1.DTL
Governor Rejects Clemency
for Inmate on
Death Row
December 13, 2005
The New York Times
By SARAH KERSHAW
SAN FRANCISCO, Dec. 12 - Gov. Arnold
Schwarzenegger rejected arguments that the death row inmate Stanley Tookie
Williams was either innocent of capital murder or worthy of mercy because of his
claims of redemption on Monday, and denied a clemency petition to commute his
sentence to life in prison.
The governor's highly anticipated decision seemed to all but seal the fate of
Mr. Williams, whose execution was scheduled for Tuesday. On Monday evening,
hours after rejecting the clemency request, Mr. Schwarzenegger also turned down
a request for a stay of execution based on a last-minute claim of innocence. Mr.
Williams's lawyers cited new accounts from witnesses in making the request.
Mr. Williams, 51, a leader of the Crips gang of Los Angeles who was convicted of
murdering four people in 1979 amid an avalanche of gang violence there, suffered
two others setbacks Monday as first a federal appeals court and then the Supreme
Court refused to grant a stay of execution.
In seeking a stay from the governor, Mr. Williams's lawyers had argued that they
needed time to corroborate the accounts of three new witnesses who came forward
over the last few days with evidence of Mr. Williams's innocence.
In his decision denying clemency, issued less than 12 hours before Mr. Williams
was scheduled to die by lethal injection and four days after the governor heard
arguments on the request from the prosecution and the defense, Mr.
Schwarzenegger wrote that the case had been appealed to various courts since Mr.
Williams was condemned in 1981, each one upholding his conviction.
The governor described the four murders in chilling detail, included a long list
of the evidence against Mr. Williams, and said the proof of his guilt was
"strong and compelling."
"Without an apology and atonement for these senseless and brutal killings," Mr.
Schwarzenegger wrote, "there can be no redemption. In this case, the one thing
that would be the clearest indication of complete remorse and full redemption is
the one thing Williams will not do."
The clemency request was based on what lawyers for Mr. Williams said was
evidence of his dramatic turnaround in prison, where Mr. Williams became a vocal
critic of gang violence, speaking out through children's books, lectures and
memoirs. One memoir was the basis for a 2004 television film "Redemption,"
staring Jamie Foxx, one of the many celebrities and activists who rushed to join
the effort to save Mr. Williams's life in recent weeks.
"Our petition for clemency was based on Stanley Williams's personal redemption,
his good works and positive impact that those works have had on thousands and
thousands of kids across this country and on Williams's ability to continue to
do those good works going forward," said Jonathan Harris, one of his lawyers, at
a news conference in Sacramento.
"I have spent many an hour with Stanley Williams," Mr. Harris said, "and I
refuse to accept that Stanley Williams's redemption is not genuine." He said the
defense team had failed to persuade the governor to meet with Mr. Williams.
In his decision, the governor cited a planned escape by Mr. Williams while he
was awaiting trial that involved his "blowing up a jail transportation bus and
killing the deputies guarding the bus" as an example of behavior that is
"consistent with guilt, not innocence." He also said there was no evidence that
Mr. Williams's speaking out against gang violence had any effect on "the
continued pervasiveness of gang violence" in crime-ridden neighborhoods.
Alice Huffman, president of the California State Conference of the N.A.A.C.P.,
joined Mr. Harris at the news conference and said the governor's decision to
allow the execution to go forward was politically motivated. It comes at a time
when he is under fire from his own party for appointing a Democrat as his new
chief of staff and after the defeat of four ballot measures he supported during
a special election in November.
As Mr. Williams's supporters rallied around the state, other Californians said
he deserved to be executed.
Before leaving for San Quentin to witness the execution, Lora Owens, the
stepmother of Albert Owens, a 26-year-old 7-Eleven clerk whom Mr. Williams was
convicted of killing, told CNN: "I'm just glad that we're almost to the end of
this. I'm glad that finally Albert is going to have the justice he deserves."
In South Central Los Angeles, where the Crips have been blamed for hundreds of
killings, several residents said they believed that if Mr. Williams was guilty,
he should be put to death.
"If he'd have killed your daughter, you'd want him dead," said Lee Johnson, 89,
a retired construction worker. "He killed somebody. You got to pay for what you
do."
At San Quentin, as protesters, including the Rev. Jesse Jackson, gathered
outside the prison gates, officials prepared to move Mr. Williams into what is
known as the "death watch cell," a 6-by-8-foot enclosure with a toilet and a
sink about 15 feet from the execution chamber.
Mr. Williams declined to invite any witnesses to his death and said in an
interview on Nov. 29 with The New York Times that he would not request a last
meal.
"I'd be out of my mind to accept a meal from a place that wants to destroy me,"
he said.
He said he was at peace with his imminent death. But, he said: "To threaten me
with death does not accomplish the means of the criminal justice system or
satiate those who think my death or my demise will be a closure for them. Their
loved ones will not rise up from the grave and love them. I wish they could. I
sympathize or empathize with everyone who has lost a loved one. But I didn't do
it. My death would not mollify them."
Of the execution, he said, "I'll go through it with dignity, with integrity,
with love and bliss in my heart. I smile at everything, and I'm quite sure I'll
smile then, too."
Cindy Chang contributed reporting from Los Angeles for this article, and Adam
Liptak from San Francisco.
Governor Rejects Clemency for Inmate on Death Row, NYT, 13.12.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/13/national/13tookie.html
http://graphics8.nytimes.com/packages/pdf/national/Williams_Clemency_Decision.pdf
Execution's strict protocol
Cold efficiency and precise procedures
govern the final day of the condemned
at San Quentin
Monday, December 12, 2005
The San Francisco Chronicle
Kevin Fagan, Chronicle Staff Writer
The procedure for executing a prisoner in San
Quentin, the only prison in California with a death chamber, is bound by rigid
rules dictating when and how each act must be performed -- from the moment the
inmate wakes up on his last day of life until the moment he dies.
Prison officials say this is to ensure a maximum amount of dispassionate
efficiency in the inherently grim job of killing a person.
"We try to keep this very professional," said prison spokesman Sgt. Eric
Messick. "I can't see it being done any other way -- you have to treat everyone,
especially the inmate, with dignity and respect. This is a very somber event."
Eleven inmates have been executed in California since the state resumed
executions in 1992 after a 25-year hiatus. Two were put to death by poison gas
and nine by lethal injection.
If the execution goes through as scheduled, Stanley Tookie Williams will arise
this morning to find that the entire Death Row of 648 condemned prisoners, and
every other maximum security cell block, has been on tight lockdown since 12:01
a.m. He will be allowed to spend his last day meeting in the prison visiting
room with friends and relatives until 6 p.m., when he will be moved to a special
death watch cell next to the execution chamber.
There, three guards will watch him constantly through the rest of the evening,
as he is offered a last meal and can watch television, play the radio or read.
The only visitors he will be allowed are a spiritual adviser and the warden.
Williams told The Chronicle he plans to refuse a last meal or anything to drink
on his final evening. He has also requested none of his friends or relatives
watch the execution.
"I don't want food or water or sympathy from the place that is going to kill
me," he said in an interview with the paper last month. "I don't want anyone
present for the sick and perverted spectacle. The thought of that is appalling
and inhumane. It is disgusting for a human to sit and watch another human die.''
At 11:30 p.m., Williams will be given a new pair of denim jeans and a new blue
work shirt to wear.
At 11:45 p.m., the first group of witnesses will be led into the room where the
death chamber is and positioned by guards on a set of risers or a railing along
the thick glass windows of the chamber. These will be state officials, lawyers
and people who have asked to watch the execution on behalf of Williams or his
victims.
At 11:55 p.m., media witnesses will be escorted in and positioned on risers.
Nobody may move after they have been placed. Fifty witnesses total are allowed,
17 of those from the press.
Precisely at midnight, prison officials will make one last call to the state
Department of Justice and Department of Corrections headquarters to determine if
any last-second stays have been issued. That process usually takes less than a
minute, and at 12:01 a.m. Williams will be led by three guards into the
lime-green execution chamber through its only door.
Space is tight in the 7.5-foot-wide, octagonal chamber, which was designed for
two lethal gas chairs but has been nearly filled with a lethal injection gurney
since William Bonin became the first California prisoner executed by injection
on Feb. 24, 1996. Williams is a bulky man, so there will undoubtedly be slight
jostling as he is laid upon the cross-shaped gurney, and his arms and legs are
strapped down.
The guards will take about five minutes to secure him, and then they leave. One
medic and an assistant then come in and attach a cardiac monitor, plus needles
into two veins, usually one in each arm. This takes about five minutes -- unless
there are difficulties, such as with Donald Beardslee on Jan. 19 this year. In
that execution, the medic had trouble finding a good second vein, and dragged
through a tense 11 minutes before finally seating the needle.
Once the needles are inserted, with long intravenous lines snaking from them
into the back wall of the death chamber, the warden will ask Williams if he has
any last words to say. Then the warden will leave, the door will be shut, and
Williams will be left alone.
From behind the walls of the chamber, out of view of the witnesses, a prison
official will press three plungers in succession to send poison through the
intravenous lines into Williams' veins.
The first plunger will administer 5 grams of sodium pentothal to put him to
sleep. The lines will be flushed with saline solution, and the second plunger
will inject 50 cc of pancuronium bromide to stop his breathing. The lines will
be flushed again, and the third plunger will send in 50cc of potassium chloride
to stop his heart.
Once a doctor watching the cardiac monitor -- again, out of view of the
witnesses -- determines Williams is dead, a prison official will write up a
short notice announcing that the execution is over. He or she will push it
through a slot in a door in the back of the witness room to a guard, who will
read it to the gathering.
The witnesses will immediately be led outside, the media going first. Williams'
body will be delivered in the next few hours to his relatives or anyone else who
has been designated to handle his remains.
The entire execution usually takes between 15 and 30 minutes.
About the author
Kevin Fagan has witnessed five executions at San Quentin.
E-mail Kevin Fagan at
kfagan@sfchronicle.com
Execution's strict protocol > Cold efficiency and precise procedures govern the
final day of the condemned at San Quentin, SFC, 12.12.2005,
http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/c/a/2005/12/12/MNGBNG6N2E1.DTL
Excerpts From an Interview
With Stanley
Tookie Williams
December 12, 2005
The New York Times
Two weeks to the day before his scheduled
execution, which is set for 12:01 a.m. Tuesday, Stanley Tookie Williams sat in a
cramped visiting cell at San Quentin State Prison and talked for 90 minutes with
Adam Liptak of The New York Times.
In careful, deliberate language that alternated between the pithy and the
flowery, Mr. Williams, 51, spoke about helping to found the Crips street gang,
about how his years in prison had changed him and about his writing and work
with children.
Though he conceded his criminal background, he maintained that he is innocent of
the four 1979 murders that sent him to death row in 1981.
Following are excerpts from that interview, parts of which were published in The
Times on Dec. 2, 2005.
On His Years as a Crip:
"I have a despicable background. I was a
criminal. I was a co-founder of the Crips. I was a nihilist."
"I functioned primarily on street wit. I managed to make it to the 12th grade.
The teachers were insipid in their methodology." "Cripping was all I knew. I
lived it. I breathed it. I walked it and I talked it."
"My courage was predicated on violence, on a negative reputation, on drugs, on
ignorance. The courage I have now, or fortitude, is based on faith."
On His Transformation:
"People forget that redemption is tailor-made
for the wretched."
On the Case Against Him:
"I always ask the question: Can a black man in
America receive justice? I can say to you or anybody else that the answer is
absolutely no. There’s a myriad of things that bring me to this conclusion —
prosecutorial misconduct, the biased selection of juries, the issues of
informants, the exclusion of exculpatory evidence, illegal interrogation of
witnesses. It’s commonplace. It’s deeply ingrained in the California criminal
justice system."
On the Man the Jury Saw:
"I was darned near twice this size. I had an
indelibly entrenched grimace on my face. I had total disdain for the law
enforcement system and it showed. And I was shackled."
On the Families of the Victims:
"To threaten me with death does not accomplish
the means of the criminal justice system or satiate those who think my death or
my demise will be a closure for them. Their loved ones will not rise up from the
grave and love them. I wish they could. I sympathize or empathize with everyone
who has lost a loved one. But I didn’t do it. My death would not mollify them."
On His Work With Children:
"They can empathize with me. I pretty much
experienced all the madness they’re going through."
"I feel a sense of bliss within. I like to see the viability of youth."
"I don’t take myself seriously. I do take my helping children and writing books
exceedingly seriously."
On Taking Responsibility for the Murders:
"How can a person express contrition if he’s
not guilty?"
"If I were culpable of these crimes, I’d be on my knees, begging everybody."
On What He Would Have Said to Mr.
Schwarzenegger:
"First and foremost, I would say that I’m
innocent. Second, I believe that if I’m allowed to get a clemency or an
indefinite stay, it would allow me to continue to proliferate my positive
message, including a collaboration with the N.A.A.C.P., to create a
violence-prevention message for at-risk youth."
On Death Row:
"I’ve never seen a millionaire here."
"You’re surrounded by a motley of different characters. Within the madness,
there are those other than myself who have opted to redeem themselves.
"The longer I sit in this animalistic cage, the more human I become. I’ve
learned not to allow the negative ambience to control me. I’ve risen above all
of that, like a phoenix, a black phoenix."
"Had I still been in society I never would have been able to make the kind of
impact I can now."
On the Death Penalty:
"We know that it’s not a deterrent. It’s
wasted a lot of the taxpayers’ money. The death penalty in a sense is a disguise
for vengeance."
"It’s a barbaric system that propagates, ‘to resolve murder is to murder
someone,’ another oxymoron. It doesn’t work."
"It’s a more sophisticated type of killing than a mob lynching. It’s pathetic."
"In reality, there’s no disparity between this place and Texas."
On What He Misses:
"My freedom. Being able to hold my grandchild.
Being able to go to the beach. Women. Food. My mother."
On the Prospect of Execution:
"They have the audacity to ask, 'Do I want a
last meal?' Absolutely not. 'Do I want anyone present?' Absolutely not. 'Do I
want a preacher?' Absolutely not. I want nothing from this institution."
"I feel good. I really do. I feel good physically and mentally and spiritually.
Had I not undergone this redemptive transformation, I guarantee I’d really be a
mess."
"I have that joie de vivre. I love life."
"My faith sustains me. I don’t crack under pressure."
"The least I can do is maintain my dignity. I confront madness with integrity. I
don’t walk around like some shuffling black man."
"I’ll go through it with dignity, with integrity, with love and bliss in my
heart. I smile at everything, and I’m quite sure I’ll smile then, too. I smile
to myself, and I don’t worry about it."
Excerpts From an Interview With Stanley Tookie Williams, NYT, 12.12.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/12/national/12cnd-quotes.html
Gang leader set to die as appeals fail
Mon Dec 12, 2005 11:50 PM ET
Reuters
By Adam Tanner
SAN QUENTIN, California (Reuters) - California
prepared to execute Stanley Tookie Williams early on Tuesday after Gov. Arnold
Schwarzenegger denied clemency, citing the former Crips gang leader's lack of
remorse for four brutal murders.
The clemency rejection, as well as the denial of last-minute appeals by three
top courts on Monday, cleared the way for Williams to be executed by lethal
injection at 12:01 a.m. on Tuesday for slaying four people in two 1979 petty
robberies around Los Angeles.
"Stanley Williams insists he is innocent, and that he will not and should not
apologize or otherwise atone for the murders of the four victims in this case,"
Schwarzenegger wrote. "Without an apology and atonement for these senseless and
brutal killings there can be no redemption."
"Based on the cumulative weight of the evidence, there is no reason to second
guess the jury's decision of guilt or raise significant doubts or serious
reservations about Williams' convictions and death sentence."
The case has generated widespread interest and fierce debate over the death
penalty in the United States because Williams, 51, has written a series of books
warning young people against gangs and says he has found redemption.
Civil rights leader Rev. Jesse Jackson said he broke the news to Williams that
Schwarzenegger had denied clemency as the inmate met several supporters in
prison.
"He said 'Don't cry, let's remain strong,'" Jackson told Reuters. "He smiled,
you know, with a certain strength, a certain resolve."
"I think he feels a comfort in his new legacy as a social transformer," Jackson
said.
The inmate's supporters argued he should have been spared so he could continue
his anti-gang work from behind bars.
In a rare coincidence in death penalty cases, Williams has said he met
Schwarzenegger at a Los Angeles-area gym in the 1970s when both men were
enthusiastic bodybuilders.
The governor, weakened by a loss on all his initiatives in a special election he
called last month, would have risked alienating his Republican Party base if he
granted clemency.
FINAL APPEALS DENIED
"In this case, the one thing that would be the clearest indication of complete
remorse and full redemption is the one thing Williams will not do,"
Schwarzenegger wrote.
At San Quentin State Prison north of San Francisco, a prison spokesman described
Williams as quiet and cooperative and said he did not request any special final
meal.
On Monday, the U.S. Supreme Court as well as the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals
rejected final appeals by lawyers to reconsider the case. Pondering their fifth
habeas corpus petition on the case over the past quarter century, the state
Supreme Court also rejected the petition on Sunday night.
"We will not rest until 12:01 a.m. tonight," attorney Jonathan Harris told
reporters.
Ronald George, the California Supreme Court's chief justice, told Reuters last
week there was "something wrong" with a system in which judges must routinely
ponder last-minute death row filings after two decades of decisions.
Williams was convicted in 1981 of killing Albert Owens as he lay facing downward
on the floor of a 7-Eleven convenience store in a $120 robbery. Two weeks later,
Williams shot dead an elderly Taiwanese immigrant couple running a motel, as
well as their visiting daughter.
The case has drawn wide attention to a large extent because of the dedication of
a former journalist, Barbara Becnel, who edited his anti-gang books and served
as a co-producer of a film staring Academy Award winner Jamie Foxx about
Williams.
The scheduled execution comes just over a week after a double murderer became
the 1,000th prisoner to be executed in the United States since the 1976
reimposition of capital punishment.
"I am not the kind of person to sit around and worry about being executed,"
Williams told Reuters last month. "I have faith and if it doesn't go my way, it
doesn't go my way."
Gang
leader set to die as appeals fail, R, 12.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=fundLaunches&storyID=2005-12-13T045005Z_01_MCC908296_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
FACTBOX-
Schwarzenegger rejects death row
clemency
Mon Dec 12, 2005 5:35 PM ET
Reuters
LOS ANGELES (Reuters) - The following are
highlights of Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger's five-page statement issued on Monday
denying clemency to convicted murderer and former Crips gang leader Stanley
Tookie Williams:
-- "The possible irregularities in Williams'
trial have been thoroughly and carefully reviewed by the courts and there is no
reason to disturb the judicial decisions that uphold the jury's decisions that
he is guilty of these four murders and should pay with his life."
-- "There is little mention of atonement in
his writings and his plea for clemency of the countless murders committed by the
Crips following the lifestyle Williams once espoused. The senseless killing that
has ruined many families, particularly in African-American communities, in the
name of the Crips and gang warfare is a tragedy of our modern culture."
-- "Is Williams' redemption complete and
sincere or is it just a hollow promise? Stanley Williams insists that he is
innocent and that he will not and should not apologize or otherwise atone for
the murders of the four victims in this case. Without an apology or atonement
for these senseless and brutal killings there can be no redemption. In this
case, the one thing that would be the clearest indication of complete remorse
and redemption is the one thing Williams will not do."
-- Schwarzenegger also notes that Williams
dedicated his 1998 book to a group that includes Nelson Mandela and Malcolm X as
well as several convicted murders, including Leonard Peltier and Mumia
Abu-Jamal. In particular, Schwarzenegger said the inclusion of a dedication to
George Jackson, who was charged with the murder of a California prison guard and
who founded the violent Black Guerrilla Family prison gang, "defies reason and
is a significant indicator that Williams is not reformed."
FACTBOX-Schwarzenegger rejects death row clemency, R, 12.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/NewsArticle.aspx?type=fundLaunches&storyID=2005-12-12T223515Z_01_SPI281281_RTRUKOT_0_TEXT0.xml&related=true
FACTBOX-
Key facts about Stanley Tookie
Williams case
Mon Dec 12, 2005 3:53 PM ET
Reuters
LOS ANGELES (Reuters) - Convicted killer and
former Crips gang leader Stanley Tookie Williams is scheduled for execution just
after midnight on Tuesday (3:01 EDT/0801 GMT) for the murders of four people in
1979.
Here are key facts surrounding the case and execution:
-- Williams was convicted of killing Albert
Lewis Owens with a shotgun as the convenience store clerk lay face down during a
February 28, 1979, robbery and murdering a family of three while robbing their
motel on March 11, 1979.
-- Williams, who claims to have co-founded the
Crips street gang, maintains his innocence, saying that he was railroaded by an
all-white jury. He sought clemency for renouncing his life of crime and trying
to steer children away from gangs.
-- Williams, 51, has failed to overturn the
guilty verdicts and death sentence in 25 years of appeals. With the rejection of
clemency, lawyers for Williams could seek further intervention from the courts,
although experts say such 11th-hour appeals rarely succeed.
-- Williams' claim of redemption and work with
children has won him support from such celebrities as rapper and former Crips
gang member Snoop Dogg and Oscar-winning actor Jamie Foxx, who starred in a TV
movie about the convicted killer. Williams has been nominated five times for the
Nobel Peace Prize.
-- Williams would become the 12th person, all
of them men, executed in the state of California since the death penalty was
reinstated in 1977. Of the previous 11 men executed, eight were white, one was
Asian, one was black and one was Native American.
-- California, which has more than 640 people
on death row, last carried out an execution in January, when 61-year-old Donald
Beardslee, who was put to death in January for killing two young women in 1981
while on parole for another murder.
FACTBOX-Key facts about Stanley Tookie Williams case, R, 12.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/NewsArticle.aspx?type=fundLaunches&storyID=2005-12-12T205344Z_01_DIT275214_RTRUKOT_0_TEXT0.xml&related=true
Experts dispute
Williams claim of founding
Crips
Mon Dec 12, 2005 4:04 PM ET
Reuters
By Dan Whitcomb
LOS ANGELES (Reuters) - The debate over the
imminent execution of Stanley Tookie Williams hinges partly on his claim that he
founded the notorious Crips street gang -- then renounced a criminal life in a
quest for redemption.
Though Williams, who is scheduled to die on Tuesday, maintains his innocence in
the four 1979 murders that landed him on death row, he takes credit for founding
the Crips a decade earlier with another teenager, Raymond Washington, and says
he now regrets his role.
Prosecutors question the 51-year-old Williams' sincerity in repudiating the
Crips. Experts say the convicted killer and his supporters have also overstated
his role in founding the gang -- which has a reputation for violence -- as a way
of emphasizing his claim of redemption.
"Actually, everybody but Tookie gives Raymond Washington credit for starting
(the Crips)," said Malcolm Klein, an emeritus professor of sociology at the
University of Southern California who has studied gangs since 1962.
"Instead of founding the gang, which is what Tookie claims, what you're really
talking about is emerging as a dominant figure," Klein told Reuters. "Because he
is such a dominant, violent, articulate bad guy, rather than leadership you're
talking about influence."
Latino gangs first surfaced in Los Angeles after the turn of the century,
historians say, and black gangs may have formed in the 1930s.
Blacks moved to Los Angeles in large numbers during World War II and those gangs
gained strength until the mid-1960s, when youths were drawn to the civil-rights
movement and radical political groups like the Black Panthers.
WILLIAMS AS ANTI-HERO
By the end of that decade, the Panthers had faded and 15-year-old Washington
stepped into a power vacuum, creating a gang he initially called the Baby
Avenues. The origins of the name "Crips" are hazy, though one theory attributes
it to a disabled member known as a "cripple" to his comrades.
"The Crips were already well established when Tookie came on the scene," said
retired Los Angeles County Sheriff's Sgt. and gang expert Wes McBride.
"(That he created the Crips) is part of his mystique that his supporters are
using to try get him commuted. It gives him a stature as an anti-hero kind of
person that has now turned his life around."
McBride says Williams, known by his middle name Tookie or the nickname "Big
Took," helped build and solidify the Crips. The gang caught the imagination of
the media after killing the son of a prominent black attorney and entering the
popular culture through Hollywood films.
The Bloods emerged as rivals to the Crips in the early 1970s and the two gangs
have feuded ever since.
McBride dismissed as "nonsense" claims by Williams that he started the Crips to
defend his neighborhood against other gangs.
Williams has become a cause for anti-death penalty activists, including rapper
and former Crips member Snoop Dogg and Oscar-winning actor Jamie Foxx, who
starred in a sympathetic TV movie about the convicted murderer.
His case is one of several that have drawn attention to the
U.S. use of the death penalty, as America recently passed its 1,000th execution
since the U.S. Supreme Court reinstituted capital punishment in 1976.
McBride said there are now some 200 Crips gangs, though most are only loosely
affiliated, with some 25,000 members in the Los Angeles area. Hundreds of
people, mostly young black men, are killed each year in California by gangs.
Washington was killed by a rival gang member in 1979.
"There's not a whole lot of difference between the Crips of today and the Crips
of yesteryear, only there's more of them," McBride said. "They are more involved
in narcotics trafficking than they used to be, but Crips will do whatever they
can to make money. Bank robberies, armored car robberies."
"Their legacy is that they've helped destroy the black community," McBride said.
"Gangs kill communities just as surely as they kill people."
Experts dispute Williams claim of founding Crips, R, 12.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/NewsArticle.aspx?type=fundLaunches&storyID=2005-12-12T210359Z_01_DIT275827_RTRUKOT_0_TEXT0.xml&related=true
Demonstrators opposed to the death penalty
are seen at the start of a 25-mile march
to San Quentin Prison
a day before the scheduled execution of convicted killer
and Crips gang co-founder Stanley "Tookie" Williams
in San Francisco, December
12, 2005.
REUTERS/Lou Dematteis
Court rejects California gang founder's
appeal
NYT 12.12.2005
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=
2005-12-12T173020Z_01_MCC908296_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
Court rejects
California gang founder's
appeal
Mon Dec 12, 2005 12:31 PM ET
Reuters
By Adam Tanner
SAN FRANCISCO (Reuters) - The California
Supreme Court has rejected a late appeal to reopen the case of condemned Crips
gang leader Stanley Tookie Williams, leaving his fate in the hands of Gov.
Arnold Schwarzenegger on Monday.
Williams, 51, is slated be executed at 12:01 a.m. (0801 GMT) on Tuesday for
murdering four people in two 1979 robberies around Los Angeles. His supporters
had hoped the anti-gang books for children he wrote in prison would help him win
clemency from Schwarzenegger, but they now appear dispirited that the celebrity
governor has waited until the last day to announce his decision.
Pondering their fifth habeas corpus petition on the case over the past quarter
century, the state Supreme Court on Sunday night rejected his lawyers' effort
filed a day before to reopen the case.
"Claims 'One' through 'Nine' are denied on the merits," the court said. "In
addition, each claim also is barred as untimely and successive."
In recent weeks, Williams' supporters had argued he was a life worth sparing
because his message inspires inner-city youth. The inmate was subject of a film
staring Academy Award winner Jamie Foxx.
"I see that as cruel," Barbara Becnel, who edited Williams' anti-gang books,
told a news conference on Sunday when asked about the delayed word from
Schwarzenegger.
Prosecutors also expect last-minute appeals to other courts before the scheduled
execution by lethal injection at San Quentin State Prison.
In the Supreme Court petition, attorney Verna Wefald wrote: "Mr. Williams has
maintained his innocence since the day he was arrested.
"Given that the state's case rests on the testimony of criminal informants who
had an incentive to lie, not only to obtain benefits, but to hide the truth of
their involvement in these crimes, it is imperative that discovery be granted at
this critical stage of Mr. Williams' case."
In an interview with Reuters last week, Ronald George, the chief justice of the
California Supreme Court, said there was "something wrong" with a system in
which judges must routinely ponder last-minute death row legal filings after two
decades of decisions.
Many death penalty experts say the claim of innocence complicates an effort to
win clemency on redemptive grounds. Yet Williams has openly spoken of a brutal
gang past for which he apologizes.
Death penalty opponents were expected to gather at San Quentin on the bay north
of San Francisco later on Monday.
Los Angeles civic and community leaders, worried that Williams' execution could
spark rioting, have urged the public to remain calm whatever the governor
decides.
Court
rejects California gang founder's appeal, NYT, 12.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=2005-12-12T173020Z_01_MCC908296_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
No Word From Governor
as Execution
Approaches
December 12, 2005
The New York Times
By SARAH KERSHAW
SAN FRANCISCO, Dec. 11 - As fervor over the
scheduled execution of Stanley Tookie Williams early Tuesday began to boil
across California on Sunday, Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger declined for a third day
to announce whether he would spare the life of Mr. Williams, a former gangster
and now world-famous death row inmate, and commute his sentence to life in
prison.
The governor's office would not comment further, but officials said he would
announce a decision on Monday, possibly only hours before Mr. Williams's
scheduled execution.
Mr. Williams, 51, a co-founder of the Crips gang of Los Angeles, was convicted
of four 1979 murders. He is set to die by lethal injection at 12:01 a.m.
Tuesday.
As expected, defense lawyers for Mr. Williams filed last-minute petitions
Saturday in an effort to raise doubts about the evidence and win a stay for his
execution, the focus in recent weeks of widespread national and international
attention.
The California Supreme Court, which has already rejected a number of legal
appeals, was still reviewing the latest filings as of Sunday night, although
most people involved in the case say that the inmate's fate ultimately rests
with the governor.
To Mr. Williams's supporters, including the many celebrities and activists who
have taken up his cause, he has become a symbol of redemption and a voice of
urban peace, speaking out from death row at San Quentin State Prison against
gang violence through children's books, lectures and a memoir.
Several supporters who have planned rallies on Monday at San Quentin and across
the state and nation said they feared that no news on Sunday was bad news.
"I just think that he would have wanted to kind of defuse the situation as much
as possible if he was going to rule in our favor," said Danielle Heck, a
chairwoman of the Los Angeles Save Tookie Committee. "And it seems like kind of
unnecessary psychological anxiety for everyone involved."
Ms. Heck said that she believed the governor was waiting "to make sure that
there is not enough chance for there to be an uproar before the execution takes
place."
A spokeswoman for the Los Angeles County district attorney's office, which is
prosecuting the Williams case, said the last-minute petitions for Mr. Williams
most likely had no bearing on the governor's timetable.
"The governor will make his decision when he is ready to make his decision,"
said the spokeswoman, Sandi Gibbons.
The petition to reopen the case argues, among other things, that witnesses
against Mr. Williams were "criminals who were given significant incentives to
testify against him and ongoing benefits for their testimony," according to the
filing. The petition for an emergency stay of execution cites a pending bill in
the State Assembly that, if passed, will place a moratorium on all executions
while a new state commission investigated wrongful convictions.
Prosecutors immediately asked the court to reject the petitions. They would not
comment Sunday on the separate clemency petition, an effort to have the sentence
commuted to life in prison.
But at a news conference Thursday, after the governor met privately with both
sides, the lead prosecutor, John Monaghan, Los Angeles deputy district attorney,
said the clemency petition was merely an effort to buy Mr. Williams more time to
try and prove his innocence.
"The evidence in this case is truly overwhelming," Mr. Monaghan said. "The
murders were senseless, very brutal, and Mr. Williams should pay the ultimate
penalty for his crimes."
Clemency has not been granted to a death row inmate in California since 1967.
Mr. Schwarzenegger has rejected two petitions since being elected in 2003.
The Rev. Jesse Jackson, who said he had visited Mr. Williams twice, was due to
arrive in Oakland on Sunday evening and then join Mr. Williams's supporters at
the prison on Monday.
"One of my fears is that if we disregard redemption, if we disregard his social
contribution, if those who have shown evidence of redemption and change are
rejected, it rushes in a wave of cynicism," Mr. Jackson said in a telephone
interview. Mr. Jackson said he had offered to visit Mr. Williams again before
his execution, but that Mr. Williams, who has said he wants no witnesses to his
death, told him that if was going to die, he did not want Mr. Jackson and others
coming to see him at the last minute.
"He's become part of folklore now," Mr. . Jackson said. "I hope we can have
reason to see him with clemency and not see him in the casket."
In recent days Mr. Williams has received many visitors, with special privileges
allowing him daylong visits, prison officials said. He has been writing often on
a manual typewriter, and jogging around a rooftop enclosure set up for death row
inmates, said Lt. Vernell Crittendon, a San Quentin spokesman.
On Thursday, Mr. Williams entered a phase the prison calls the "five-day
countdown," and he was moved to the North Segregation unit known as Condemned
Row 1, one of three buildings that house San Quentin's 651 death row inmates,
Lt. Crittendon said. The prison staff is keeping a 24-hour watch on him,
checking his activities every 15 minutes.
Jonathan Harris, a member of Mr. Williams's defense team who saw him on Sunday,
said, "He's upbeat and he's at peace."
Wayne Owens, 55, the older brother of Albert Owens, one of the men Mr. Williams
was convicted of killing during a robbery of a 7-Eleven store in Los Angeles,
said in a telephone interview from his home in Olathe, Kan., that his family was
doing the best they could to deal privately with their emotions amid the intense
news coverage of the case.
Mr. Owens, a novelist and performer, said he was opposed to the death penalty
but that he would support it in this case unless he could be assured that Mr.
Williams would never be freed.
"Whichever way it come out, it will be a sad day," Mr. Owens said. "It is the
ultimate no-win situation. If he gets clemency, there will be sorrow about his
clemency. If he does not, it will be too bad that his life is lost."
Michael Falcone and Carolyn Marshall contributed reporting from San
Francisco for this article, and Cindy Chang from Los Angeles.
No
Word From Governor as Execution Approaches, NYT, 12.12.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/12/national/12tookie.html
Schwarzenegger
still undecided on clemency
Sat Dec 10, 2005 7:12 PM ET
Reuters
SAN FRANCISCO (Reuters) - California Gov.
Arnold Schwarzenegger will not decide on Saturday whether to grant clemency to
former Crips gang leader Stanley Tookie Williams, who is slated to be executed
on Tuesday for murdering four people in 1979, his office said.
Barring clemency or last-minute court intervention, officials will administer a
lethal injection to Williams at 12:01 a.m. on Tuesday in the death chamber at
San Quentin State Prison.
The case has generated widespread interest and fierce debate over the death
penalty in the United States because Williams, 51, has written a series of books
warning young people against gangs and says he has found redemption.
His supporters have said he should be spared so he can continue his anti-gang
work from behind bars.
The governor's office told Reuters that Schwarzenegger would not be making a
decision on Saturday and gave no indication of when he would.
Following a clemency hearing on Thursday, Schwarzenegger said the decision was a
"heavy responsibility" and he was carefully studying all sides of the issue.
Granting clemency would be a risk for Schwarzenegger, weakened by a stinging
loss on all his initiatives in a special election he called last month, as it
could alienate his Republican party.
But it could help boost his flagging popularity in a state where Democrats are
the largest party as he looks to reelection in 2006.
U.S. governors typically stay executions because of doubts over evidence in the
case or fairness of the trial rather than because of redemption. Williams has
said he did not commit the murders, but said he hurt many people as leader of
the Crips gang in the Los Angeles area.
Schwarzenegger still undecided on clemency, R, 10.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=politicsNews&storyID=2005-12-11T001137Z_01_MCC908296_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
Real Tookie Williams elusive
in death row
debate
Sat Dec 10, 2005 7:12 PM ET
Reuters
By Dan Whitcomb
LOS ANGELES (Reuters) - Is Stanley Tookie
Williams a cold-blooded killer who has duped Hollywood with feigned innocence,
phony assertions of redemption and embellished claims of his sway over gangland
Los Angeles to escape execution?
Or is Williams, who is scheduled to die on Tuesday, a wrongly convicted man who
nevertheless devoted a quarter century in prison to troubled kids, saving
150,000 lives from behind bars in a campaign worthy of the Nobel Peace Prize?
The debate over the most discussed U.S. execution in recent memory hinges on the
wildly divergent views of the 51-year-old man who sits on San Quentin's death
row, seeking clemency from California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger.
The transcripts of Williams 1981 trial paint a disturbing picture of the Crips
gang leader, who was convicted of shooting four people to death with a shotgun
during robberies, later boasting about the gurgling sounds convenience store
clerk Albert Owens made as he died.
During the trial, prosecutors say, Williams plotted to kill a sheriff's deputy
and an accomplice who was expected to testify against him, then blow up a bus
full of inmates with dynamite to escape in the resulting chaos.
After the jury read their guilty verdict Williams, according to transcripts,
looked to jurors and mouthed: "I'm going to get each and every one of you
motherf------."
Williams supporters, who include film star Jamie Foxx and rapper Snoop Dogg,
charge that there no evidence linking him to the crimes, suggesting he was
railroaded by a racist, all-white jury after three blacks were removed from the
panel.
DOES TOOKIE MATTER?
Prosecutors evidence showed Williams purchased the 12-gauge shotgun used in the
crimes and point to testimony by an accomplice that Williams shot Owens. Two
witnesses said he confessed to the murders.
Williams declined to testify in his defense, calling his step-father, girlfriend
and two fellow inmates as witnesses.
Defenders say he found redemption in San Quentin, writing books urging children
to reject violence and renouncing his gang life. He offered counseling by
telephone to school kids.
They say his stature as a founder of the notorious Crips gives him a unique
ability to steer youth away from gangs and assert that he has saved 150,000
lives. He has been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize five times for his
anti-gang work and four times for the literature prize by a group of backers who
include university professors from the United States and Europe.
But gang experts dispute Williams' claims to have founded the Crips and say he
has little influence over teens. Los Angeles Police Chief Bill Bratton has said
that few gang members had likely heard of Williams before press coverage of his
scheduled execution.
Williams has said he now regrets his role in the Crips but has refused to
debrief authorities on the gang, saying that doing so would brand him a
"snitch."
Others have said that Williams' books are a crass publicity campaign that have
sold only a few hundred copies each.
A spokesman for Williams' publisher, Power Kids Press, said he had been
instructed not to give out sales figures for the eight books but said three were
still in print.
If Schwarzenegger denies clemency, Williams is scheduled to die by lethal
injection just after midnight on Tuesday. If Schwarzenegger spares him,
Williams' sentence would be commuted to life in prison.
Real
Tookie Williams elusive in death row debate, R, 10.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/NewsArticle.aspx?type=politicsNews&storyID=2005-12-11T001128Z_01_KNE985077_RTRUKOT_0_TEXT0.xml&related=true
Schwarzenegger must decide
if killer is
executed
Fri Dec 9, 2005 6:45 PM ET
Reuters
By Adam Tanner
SAN FRANCISCO (Reuters) - Saying he faced a
heavy responsibility, California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger pondered on Friday
whether to spare the life of Stanley Tookie Williams, a convicted killer and
former Crips gang leader set to be executed next week.
"You just have to have an open mind on that and case by case and look at that
and then make up your mind," Schwarzenegger told reporters. "But it is a very
heavy responsibility."
Aides said Schwarzenegger would resolve whether to impose a lesser sentence of
life in prison without the possibility of parole this weekend or on Monday, the
day before the scheduled execution.
The governor had heard from defense lawyers and the prosecution in a closed-door
clemency hearing on Thursday.
"I'm working on it. I'm looking, studying the whole thing, reading a lot, last
night until 11 o'clock, almost to midnight," he said. "And I will be reading and
doing all the research on it so we make the right decision."
Little information emerged from the Thursday clemency hearing. "Arnold was a
good poker player and didn't give anyone any sense of what he would do," said
one person familiar with discussions at the meeting.
Williams, 51, found guilty of slaying four people, has won celebrity supporters
and a well-organized publicity campaign after writing a series of books urging
youth to avoid following his footsteps and getting involved with violent gangs
like the Crips.
PERSONAL FAITH
"My hope lies in God above anything and everything else," Williams told Reuters
in an interview at San Quentin State Prison last month. "I have faith and if it
doesn't go my way, it doesn't go my way."
"I am not the kind of person to sit around and worry about being executed," he
said. "I'm sure there are detractors who would like to hear that I am weeping.
... I fear nothing except God."
The core issue of this clemency is whether a murderer can earn redemption in the
eyes of society for his actions after the crime. U.S. governors typically stay
executions because of doubts over evidence in the case or fairness of the trial
rather than because of perceived redemption.
Prosecutors say Williams acted especially brutally in the 1979 murders in which
he killed a shop clerk and, in a separate petty robbery, a family of three
running a motel. They also condemn his role with the Crips, a notorious gang
that now has thousands of members nationwide.
"Mr. Williams wants out of prison. This has nothing to do with redemption," said
John Monaghan, assistant head deputy district attorney in Los Angeles.
Williams maintains that he did not commit the murders and was targeted because
of his gang activities, which he has since renounced. Supporters say he is of
much more value to society alive than dead because he can continue to warn young
people about the dangers of gangs.
(Additional reporting by Tamara Keith in Sacramento)
Schwarzenegger
must decide if killer is executed, R, 9.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=2005-12-09T234110Z_01_MCC908296_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
Demonstrators
calling for California
Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger
to grant clemency to convicted killer Stanley Tookie Williams
rally at the California State Capitol in Sacramento, California
December 8, 2005.
REUTERS/Lou Dematteis
Schwarzenegger ponders high-profile death
row case
R 9.12.2005
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=
2005-12-09T090526Z_01_MCC908296_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
Schwarzenegger ponders
high-profile death
row case
Fri Dec 9, 2005 4:05 AM ET
Reuters
By Adam Tanner
SACRAMENTO (Reuters) - California Gov. Arnold
Schwarzenegger could decide as early as Friday whether to spare the life of
Stanley Tookie Williams, the former Crips gang leader set to be executed by
lethal injection next week.
Schwarzenegger heard from defense lawyers and the prosecution in a closed-door
clemency hearing on Thursday. Aides said he will resolve whether to impose a
lesser sentence of life in prison without the possibility of parole by Monday,
the day before the scheduled execution.
Williams has won celebrity supporters and a well-organized publicity campaign
after writing a series of books urging youth to avoid following his footsteps
and getting involved with violent gangs like the Crips.
"My hope lies in God above anything and everything else," Williams told Reuters
in an interview at San Quentin State Prison last month. "I have faith and if it
doesn't go my way, it doesn't go my way."
"I am not the kind of person to sit around and worry about being executed," he
said. "I'm sure there are detractors who would like to hear that I am weeping.
... I fear nothing except God."
The core issue of this clemency is whether a murderer can earn redemption in the
eyes of society for his actions after the crime. U.S. governors typically stay
executions because of doubts over evidence in the case or fairness of the trial
rather than because of perceived redemption.
Prosecutors say Williams acted especially brutally in the 1979 murders in which
he killed a shop clerk and a family running a motel in robberies for small
amounts of money. They also condemn his role with the Crips, a gang that now has
thousands of members nationwide.
"Mr. Williams wants out of prison. This has nothing to do with redemption," said
John Monaghan, assistant head deputy district attorney in Los Angeles.
Williams maintains that he did not commit the murders and was targeted because
of his gang activities, which he has since renounced. Supporters say he is of
much more value to society alive than dead because he can continue to warn young
people about the dangers of gangs.
If his life is spared, Williams would be moved from death row at San Quentin,
north of San Francisco, perhaps to a more remote state prison.
Schwarzenegger ponders high-profile death row case, R, 9.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=2005-12-09T090526Z_01_MCC908296_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
Lawyer says clemency
is only way to spare
Williams' life
USA Today
Posted 12/8/2005 11:07 AM
Updated 12/8/2005 11:17 AM
SAN FRANCISCO
(AP) — Clemency is likely the only avenue available to spare the life of Stanley
Tookie Williams, for the murder of four people 26 years ago, his lawyers said.
Williams is the co-founder of the Crips gang.
Thursday, his lawyers planned to present their
case to Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger in a private meeting in Sacramento in the
hopes they can convince him to grant clemency to the gangster-turned peace
activist. Williams is scheduled to die Dec. 13, but with clemency he would spend
life in prison without parole instead.
"I'm not going to this hearing with hope. I'm going to this hearing frightened
to death," defense attorney Peter Fleming Jr. said. "If we fail as counsel, a
man dies."
Prosecutors, who have said Williams should be put to death, also will meet with
Schwarzenegger. Both sides will have 30 minutes to make their case.
Schwarzenegger has not indicated when or how he would decide Williams' fate. A
California governor has not granted clemency since 1967, when Ronald Reagan
spared the life of a brain-damaged killer.
Last week, the California Supreme Court declined to reopen the case amid
allegations that shoddy forensics connected Williams to at least three of the
murders. The federal courts, including the U.S. Supreme Court, also have ruled
against him.
Williams, 51, was convicted and sentenced to death in 1981 for killing Yen-I
Yang, Tsai-Shai Chen Yang and Yu-Chin Yang Lin in a 1979 motel robbery, and for
gunning down Albert Owens, a 7-Eleven clerk, in a separate crime. He has
professed his innocence.
During a conference call with reporters, Fleming said if clemency is denied,
there isn't much of a case to bring to the federal courts. He said he would have
to demonstrate that Williams is innocent.
"We're not in a position to do that," Fleming said.
Los Angeles County prosecutors, California Attorney General Bill Lockyer and
victims' relatives have demanded Williams' execution and said Schwarzenegger
should not grant clemency. Prosecutors say the Crips gang is responsible for
thousands of deaths.
The pitch for clemency doesn't involve claims of innocence. Attorneys plan to
argue that Williams' life should be spared because his teachings from behind
bars have helped many gang members change their ways, Fleming said.
In more than two decades on death row at San Quentin Prison, Williams has
renounced his past and written children's books about the dangers of gang life.
Also Wednesday, Philip Gasper, a philosophy professor at Notre Dame de Namur
University in Belmont, nominated Williams for a fifth time for the Nobel Peace
Prize for his efforts to quell gang violence from behind bars. Williams has been
nominated a total of six times for the award.
Lawyer says clemency is only way to spare Williams' life, UT, 8.12.2005,
http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2005-12-08-williams-clemency_x.htm
L'Internet se mobilise pour sauver «Tookie»
Ancien chef de gang repenti condamné à mort
en 1981
pour quatre meurtres,
Stanley «Tookie» Williams doit être executé le 13
décembre,
sauf grâce du gouverneur de Californie,
Arnold Schwarzenegger
• Sur la
Toile, ses plus ardents défenseurs font pression
Mercredi 07 décembre 2005 (Liberation.fr -
16:34)
Libération
Par Judith RUEFF
«Plus que 6 jours pour empêcher l'exécution !»
L'avertissement s'affiche en lettres rouges. Juste dessous, on peut lire : «
Arnold, fait le bon choix pour les enfants ! »
Savetookie.org compte les jours
jusqu'au 13 décembre. Le site dédié à l'ancien chef de gang repenti Stanley
«Tookie» Williams, condamné à mort en 1981 pour quatre meutres et qui, - sauf
grâce d' «Arnold» (Arnold Schwarzenegger, ex-star et gouverneur de Californie)
-, doit être exécuté la semaine prochaine (lire Libération du 4/12->
http://www.liberation.fr/page.php?Article=342546 ].
On y trouve tous les détails de la fabuleuse histoire du fondateur d'un des plus
célèbres gangs de Los Angeles, les Crips, racontée par ses plus ardents
défenseurs. Des témoignages vidéos de militants anti-racistes et de vedettes
Blacks, du rappeur Snoop Dogg à l'acteur oscarisé Jamie Foxx, ou bien la
compil des groupes de hip-hop
américains qui le soutiennent, «Redemption». On peut aussi y commander sa
biographie («Blue rage, Black redemption»), connaître l'agenda complet de toutes
les manifestations de soutien prévues aux Etats-Unis et dans l'Etat de la côte
ouest, trouver l'adresse e-mail ou le téléphone de bureau de Schwarzzie, etc.
Et bien sûr, signer en ligne une
pétition pour
demander la clémence du gouverneur qui va examiner ces jours-ci la requête des
avocats de Williams de commuer la peine de mort en prison à vie. Plusieurs de
ces pétitions numériques circulent sur la Toile. Par exemple, celle de
Tookie.com, un autre site consacré à la
défense de l'ex-gangster passé à la non-violence et aux livres pour la jeunesse
des ghettos. Les pro-Tookie clament avoir réuni environ 60 000 signatures et
espèrent en rassembler 100 000 avant la date fatidique. Des centaines de
mails de jeunes délinquants
éclairés par son exemple, de profs des quartiers chauds, de policiers ou
d'officiers de justice, sont envoyés chaque semaine sur sa boite au fond du
couloir de la mort.
La communauté virtuelle des défenseurs de Tookie sur le web est des plus
hétéroclites. On les rencontre sur Jackin4Beat, un site de la «hip-hop nation»,
dans les communiqués des militants de l'Aclu (association de défenseurs de
libertés civiles), on les croise sur Blogs4god, le rendez-vous des chrétiens
blogueurs… Les «antis» ne sont pas en reste. Une association de défense des
victimes, la crime victims united of California propose aux internautes de
signer une lettre demandant l'exécution de la sentence.
L'Internet se mobilise pour
sauver «Tookie», Libération, 7.12.2005,
http://www.liberation.fr/page.php?Article=343169
Hollywood se mobilise pour «Tookie»
Stanley Williams, ancien chef de gang
californien repenti,
doit être exécuté le 13 décembre.
Lundi 05 décembre 2005
Libération
Par Emmanuelle RICHARD
Los Angeles correspondance
Lors d'une rencontre, en 1976, sur la plage de
Venice, où les body-builders californiens exhibent leurs muscles, Arnold
Schwarzenegger avait complimenté les biceps de Stanley «Tookie» Williams : «gros
comme des cuisses !» avait déclaré le jeune acteur, sans se douter qu'il
bavardait avec l'un des fondateurs du gang meurtrier des Crips (1). Près de
trois décennies plus tard, Schwarzy, devenu gouverneur de Californie, tient la
vie de Williams entre ses mains. Son exécution pour quatre assassinats, commis
en 1979, est prévue pour le 13 décembre, dans le couloir de la mort de San
Quentin, près de San Francisco. Lui seul peut accorder la clémence à Williams,
et le gouverneur ne cache pas qu'il redoute cette prise de décision : devenu
militant antigang en prison, le condamné de 51 ans barbiche blanche et
lunettes est une cause célèbre des opposants à la peine de mort aux
Etats-Unis. Stars hollywoodiennes et leaders religieux militent pour sauver la
vie de «Tookie», au grand dam des conservateurs.
Pétition. «Stanley Tookie Williams n'est pas un type quelconque, il est
une source d'inspiration», déclarait récemment le rappeur Snoop Dogg, qui se
décrit comme un ancien Crip. L'acteur oscarisé Jamie Foxx, qui a interprété
Tookie dans un téléfilm, a galvanisé une petite foule à Los Angeles. Susan
Sarandon, Tim Robbins, Danny Glover, Angelica Houston, Harry Belafonte, ou
encore Russell Crowe, ont signé une pétition pour demander la clémence à
Schwarzenegger, soutenus par le révérend Jesse Jackson et le prix Nobel de la
paix Desmond Tutu.
Les partisans de Tookie qui a passé vingt-quatre ans dans le couloir de la mort,
ont une vision romantique de sa destinée : cofondateur des Crips en 1971,
Williams est arrêté en 1979 pour avoir abattu un gérant de supérette et trois
membres d'une famille, propriétaire d'un motel. Condamné à mort, il clame son
innocence. En prison, il renonce à son passé de leader de gang, contribue à une
trêve entre les Crips et leurs rivaux, les Bloods. Il écrit une série de livres
pour enfants, Tookie élève la voix contre la violence, et milite sur son site,
tookie.com. Les deux journaux de Californie les plus influents demandent la
clémence : «Son histoire de péché et de rédemption illustre de façon puissante
l'injustice de la peine capitale», affirme le Los Angeles Times. Pour le San
Francisco Chronicle, «Williams nous est bien plus utile vivant que mort.»
Bestial. A contrario, cette mobilisation déclenche les foudres des
conservateurs, soulagés que la cour d'appel de San Francisco ait refusé un
nouveau procès à Williams. «Il est le pire du pire en matière de criminels...
Comment peut-il être réhabilité ?» s'est indignée Harriet Salerno, présidente de
l'association Crime Victims United of California. «Toute cette agitation au nom
d'un homme dont la spécialité bestiale était le tir à bout portant ?» s'insurge
le chroniqueur Rich Lowry. A Los Angeles, les animateurs-stars de la radio KFI
ont rebaptisé une heure de leur émission quotidienne «The "Kill Tookie" hour» et
publient les photos des victimes massacrées sur leur site internet.
Williams refuse toutefois d'exprimer des remords pour ses meurtres : «J'ai fait
beaucoup de très mauvaises choses, mais rien de cette ampleur», déclarait-il sur
la chaîne MSN. Il apprécie la décision de Schwarzy de recevoir ses avocats le 8
décembre. Ceux-ci vont conjurer le Terminator devenu Gouvernator d'épargner le
condamné, pour pouvoir rouvrir l'enquête. Schwarzenegger, qui se dit partagé au
sujet de la peine de mort, pourrait être sensible à l'appel de certains de ses
pairs de Hollywood et à l'indignation internationale. Cependant, l'élu
républicain du Golden State démocrate, où 68 % des citoyens soutiennent la peine
capitale, sort d'une défaite cuisante, à l'issue d'une consultation populaire
début novembre. Prendra-t-il le risque politique de sauver «Tookie» ?
(1) Dans la biographie de Stanley Williams, Blue Rage, Black Redemption.
Hollywood se mobilise pour «Tookie», Libération, 5.12.2005,
http://www.liberation.fr/page.php?Article=342546
Maryland executes killer of teacher's aide
Mon Dec 5, 2005 10:38 PM ET
The New York Times
By Bryan Sears
BALTIMORE (Reuters) - Convicted murderer
Wesley Eugene Baker was executed on Monday in Maryland for fatally shooting a
teacher's aide in front of two of her grandchildren.
Baker, 47, died by lethal injection at 9:18 p.m. EST (0218 GMT) at the Maryland
Diagnostic and Classification Center in Baltimore.
Baker shot Jane Tyson, a 49-year-old teacher's aide, in the head and stole her
purse in 1991 outside a shopping mall as two of her grandchildren watched.
Last week, a federal judge rejected arguments on Baker's behalf that the death
penalty constitutes cruel and unusual punishment.
Death penalty opponents also argued that capital punishment is racist in cases
such as Baker's, in which the victim was white and the convicted murderer black.
Baker's case attracted the attention of Roman Catholic Cardinal William Keeler,
the archbishop of Baltimore, who met with Baker and said he would appeal to
Republican Gov. Robert Ehrlich Jr. to commute the sentence to life without
parole.
Also in hopes of having Baker's sentence overturned or commuted, his attorneys
had argued that the sentencing judge did not hear what they said could have been
mitigating circumstances that could have led to a sentence of life without
parole instead of death.
Baker's attorneys wanted to introduce details of his life -- his mother became
pregnant with him when she was raped at age 12 or 13, he suffered physical and
sexual abuse as a child and a drug overdose at age 12 -- but Baker refused to
allow them to reveal the information in court.
He told his attorneys he did not want his mother humiliated publicly.
Last Friday, in North Carolina, double murderer Kenneth Lee Boyd became the
1,000th prisoner executed in the United States since the reinstatement of
capital punishment. The U.S. Supreme Court allowed the death penalty to be
brought back in 1976 after a nine-year unofficial moratorium.
Baker's execution was the fifth in Maryland since 1976.
Maryland executes killer of teacher's aide, R, 5.12.2005,http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=2005-12-06T033826Z_01_KNE613039_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-MARYLAND.xml
Death Row inmate Stanley "Tookie" Williams
sits in a visiting cell at San Quentin prison
November 16, 2005,
after granting Reuters a rare interview.
(Photograph taken by prison guard
in accordance with San Quentin prison
visitation regulations)
REUTERS/California Department of Corrections/Handout
Schwarzenegger clemency review has
political risks R 4.12.2005
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=
2005-12-04T143150Z_01_MOL359905_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
Schwarzenegger clemency review
has
political risks
Sun Dec 4, 2005 9:32 AM ET
Reuters
By Adam Tanner
SAN FRANCISCO (Reuters) - California Gov.
Arnold Schwarzenegger's clemency review this week to determine whether to
execute Crips gang co-founder Stanley Tookie Williams could influence the
governor's ability to rebound from political setbacks.
Convicted of four brutal killings a quarter century ago, Williams has generated
a big public campaign calling for clemency because of his anti-gang books aimed
at inner-city youth.
The Republican governor will hear from prosecutors and defense attorneys at the
clemency hearing behind closed doors on Thursday. He will only have a few days
if he wants to halt the December 13 execution by lethal injection at San Quentin
prison north of San Francisco.
Some analysts say the former Hollywood action star risks further alienating his
party base if he grants clemency.
"There are already a number of people that have already said that they are not
going to vote for him, work for him," said Mike Spence, president of the
California Republican Assembly. "If he granted clemency, based on the evidence
that has been presented, it would be a disaster."
Weakened by a stinging loss on all his initiatives in a special election he
called last month, Schwarzenegger angered some in his party this week by
appointing an openly gay, longtime Democrat as his chief of staff.
Republican fiscal conservatives have also expressed concern about his interest
in billions of dollars of new infrastructure bonds. Some analysts say such
concerns could prompt another Republican, such as state Sen. Tom McClintock, to
challenge Schwarzenegger in the June gubernatorial primary.
McClintock told Reuters he does not intend to run and said politics should not
be considered in clemency reviews.
"Political issues should have no place in this discussion," he said. "It's
totally irrelevant."
APPEALING TO THE INNER CITY
Williams' supporters -- such as Barbara Becnel, who edited his anti-gang books
-- say Schwarzenegger could win over new voters by sparing the inmate's life.
"I think the political results will be positive because he, Schwarzenegger, will
be seen as a hero in urban communities throughout the state of California and
throughout the nation for helping the leaders of those communities to succeed
ultimately with reducing youth gang violence," she said.
Williams' case is one of several that have drawn attention to U.S. use of the
death penalty, as the execution toll passed a milestone on Friday of 1,000 since
the U.S. Supreme Court reinstituted capital punishment in 1976.
Schwarzenegger has seen his poll numbers fall sharply over the past year and is
running for reelection in November 2006 in a state where Democrats are the
largest party.
He has denied clemency to two death row inmates since coming to office in 2003;
one man was later spared by a court ruling.
In a rare twist, the former Mr. Olympia apparently met Williams -- when both men
were avid bodybuilders in the Los Angeles area in the 1970s. During a recent
interview, Williams smiled as he recounted how he impressed Schwarzenegger when
they met at Venice's Muscle Beach.
"I met Arnold in the gym on the boardwalk," he said. "He told some woman 'Those
aren't arms, they are thighs.'"
The governor says he approaches each death row case with an open mind, but he
appeared to express sympathy when a radio host complained Williams was still
involved with prison gangs.
"First of all, I totally agree with you," Schwarzenegger told KOGO radio on
Thursday. "I have looked through the files and pages for hours, and I have
looked at his record in prison."
But "I want to have the open mind, sit down and then I make my decision."
Schwarzenegger takes pride in unconventional decisions and even supporters say
that they are not sure what he will do.
Schwarzenegger clemency review has political risks, R, 4.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=2005-12-04T143150Z_01_MOL359905_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
Crips gang
focus of Williams execution
debate
Sat Dec 3, 2005 11:41 AM ET
The New York Times
By Dan Whitcomb
LOS ANGELES (Reuters) - A growing debate over
the planned execution of Stanley Tookie Williams hinges partly on his claim that
he founded the notorious Crips street gang then renounced a criminal life in a
quest for redemption.
Williams is scheduled to die on December 13 unless granted clemency by
California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger.
His case is one of several that have drawn attention to U.S. use of the death
penalty, as the execution toll passed a milestone on Friday of 1,000 since the
U.S. Supreme Court reinstituted capital punishment in 1976.
Though Williams maintains his innocence in the four 1979 murders that landed him
on death row, he asserts credit for founding the Crips a decade earlier with
another teenager, Raymond Washington, and says he now regrets his role. He has
written a series of books urging children to reject violence.
Prosecutors question the 51-year-old Williams' sincerity in repudiating the
Crips. Experts say the convicted killer and his supporters have also overstated
his role in founding the gang -- which has a reputation for violent rivalries
with other gangs -- as a way of emphasizing his claim of redemption.
"Actually, everybody but Tookie gives Raymond Washington credit for starting
(the Crips)," said Malcolm Klein, an emeritus professor of sociology at the
University of Southern California who has studied gangs since 1962.
"Instead of founding the gang, which is what Tookie claims, what you're really
talking about is emerging as a dominant figure," Klein told Reuters.
"Because he is such a dominant, violent, articulate bad guy. Rather than
leadership you're talking about influence."
Latino gangs first surfaced in Los Angeles after the turn of the century,
historians say, and black gangs may have formed in the 1930s.
Blacks moved to Los Angeles in large numbers during World War II and those gangs
gained strength until the mid-1960s, when youths were drawn to the civil-rights
movement and radical political groups like the Black Panthers.
WILLIAMS AS ANTI-HERO
By the end of that decade, the Panthers had faded and 15-year-old Washington
stepped into a power vacuum, creating a gang he initially called the Baby
Avenues.
The origins of the name "Crips" are hazy, though one theory attributes it to a
disabled member known as a "cripple" to his comrades.
"The Crips were already well established when Tookie came on the scene," said
retired Los Angeles County Sheriff's Sgt. and gang expert Wes McBride.
"(That he created the Crips) is part of his mystique that his supporters are
using to try get him commuted. It gives him a stature as an anti-hero kind of
person that has now turned his life around."
McBride says Williams, known by his middle name Tookie or the nickname "Big
Took," helped build and solidify the Crips. The gang caught the imagination of
the media after killing the son of a prominent black attorney and entering the
popular culture through Hollywood films.
The Bloods emerged as rivals to the Crips in the early 1970s and the two gangs
have feuded ever since.
McBride dismissed as "nonsense" claims by Williams that he started the Crips to
defend his neighborhood against other gangs.
Williams has become a cause for anti-death penalty activists, including rapper
and former Crips member Snoop Dogg and Oscar-winning actor Jamie Foxx, who
starred in a sympathetic TV movie about the convicted murderer.
Washington was killed by a rival gang member in 1979.
McBride said there are now some 200 Crips gangs, though most are only loosely
affiliated, with some 25,000 members in the Los Angeles area. Hundreds of
people, mostly young black men, are killed each year in California by gangs.
"There's not a whole lot of difference between the Crips of today and the Crips
of yesteryear, only there's more of them," McBride said. "They are more involved
in narcotics trafficking than they used to be, but Crips will do whatever they
can to make money. Bank robberies, armored car robberies."
"Their legacy is that they've helped destroy the black community," McBride said.
"Gangs kill communities just as surely as they kill people."
Crips
gang focus of Williams execution debate, R, 3.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=2005-12-03T164051Z_01_MOL359905_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-TOOKIE.xml
Tense Moments In Court
As Judge Resentences
Golphin
To Life In Prison
Kevin Golphin Convicted
For Deaths Of Ed
Lowry, David Hathcock
POSTED: 6:58 am EST December 2, 2005
UPDATED: 1:25 pm EST December 2, 2005
Wral.Com
RALEIGH, N.C. -- Emotions boiled over Friday
in a courtroom after a judge changed the punishment for a convicted killer from
death to life in prison.
In September 1997, Kevin Golphin, then 17, and his brother, Tilmon, shot and
killed two North Carolina law enforcement officers -- Highway Patrol Trooper Ed
Lowry and Deputy David Hathcock.
Both brothers were sentenced to death, but earlier in the year, an U.S. Supreme
Court decision determined the death penalty was unconstitutional for people who
were younger than 18 when they committed their crimes.
On Friday, the judge said the decision to change the sentence was beyond his
control, so he resentenced Golphin to life. Families on both sides got to speak
out in court.
"I wish the state would turn him loose so I can have him," said Al Lowry, the
slain trooper's brother.
William McRae, Golphin's uncle, responded to those remarks.
A judge changed Kevin Golphin's sentence from
death to life in prison for the deaths of two law enforcement officers.
"Those days for what you said, 'turn him loose
that you can have him,' [those] days are over," he said.
At that point, Lowry's brother lunged toward McRae. Lowry had to be restrained
by other courtroom observers. The outbreak was just the tip of emotion for Dixie
Davis, Lowry's widow.
"They've been animals, just pure animals, and then the family gets up to talk
about how they are Christians," she said. "I'm a Christian, an eye for an eye,
justice for justice. They need to read the Bble a little bit more because I
don't think it says that."
"He has told me on numerous occassions he is sorry that this has happened," said
Richard McNeil, Golphin's attorney. "We must not forget that yes,he's going to
live, but he's going to spend the rest of his natural life in prison. It's not
like he's going to get out of jail ever."
Golphin's mother also got up and spoke in court. She said the ordeal has been
difficult on both families and said she hopes other teenagers will learn from
her sons' mistakes.
Tense
Moments In Court As Judge Resentences Golphin To Life In Prison, Wral.Com,
2.12.2005,
http://www.wral.com/news/5449910/detail.html
North Carolina Man Is 1,000th Executed
December 1, 2005
The New York Times
By BRENDA GOODMAN
Just after 2 a.m., a North Carolina man became
the 1,000th person to be executed in the U.S. since the Supreme Court upheld
states' rights to order the death penalty in 1976. The somber moment drew a
sizeable crowd to Central Prison in Raleigh, N.C., to protest capital
punishment.
Kenneth Lee Boyd, 57, of Rockingham, N.C., died by lethal injection for the 1988
shootings of his estranged wife, Julie Curry Boyd, who was 36, and her father,
Thomas Dillard Curry, 57. Members of both families had asked to be present.
Mr. Boyd's son, Kenneth Smith, 35, who visited his dad every day for the last
two weeks, said in an interview on Thursday that he felt the attention paid to
the milestone had hurt his father's chances for clemency.
Mr. Smith also said his dad was deeply troubled that he might only be remembered
as a grim hash mark in the history books.
"He didn't want to be 999, and he didn't want to be 1001 if you know what I
mean," said Mr. Smith. "He wanted to live."
Mr. Boyd's attorney, Thomas Maher, had hoped to win a stay for his client, who
he said had an I.Q. of 77. The cutoff for mental retardation, a mitigating
factor in some capital cases, is 75. He also hoped the U.S. Supreme Court and
North Carolina Governor Mike Easley would consider that before these murders,
Mr. Boyd had no history of violent crime, and that he had volunteered to go to
war in Vietnam.
Belinda J. Foster, District Attorney for Rockingham, N.C., who prosecuted Mr.
Boyd, said she felt confident that the death penalty was warranted in this case.
In March of 1988, Mr. Boyd shot his father-in-law twice with a .35 Magnum before
turning the gun on his estranged wife. He shot her eight times. Christopher
Boyd, their son, was pinned underneath his mother's body. Paramedics later found
the boy hiding under a bed, covered in her blood, Ms. Foster said.
"There are cases that are so horrendous and the evidence so strong it just
warrants a death sentence," Ms. Foster said.
Michael Paranzino, President of the pro-death penalty group Throw Away the Key,
agreed.
"You'll never stop crimes of passion, but I do believe the death penalty is a
general deterrent, and it expresses society's outrage," Mr. Paranzino said.
An October 2005 Gallup poll found that 64 percent of all Americans support
capital punishment in murder cases.
Mr. Boyd never denied his guilt, but said he couldn't remember killing anyone
and didn't know why he did it.
"We believe this occasion is the perfect time to reconsider the whole issue of
execution," said William F. Schulz, executive director of Amnesty International,
a group that has sought to end the practice of using executions as a punishment
for crime around the world.
"Since 1976, about one in eight prisoners on death row in the U.S. has been
exonerated. That should raise serious questions about ending a person's life,"
Mr. Schulz said.
Others argue that the death penalty should be reconsidered because it is so
arbitrarily applied.
The vast majority of those sentenced to death for their crimes are impoverished
and live in the South, said Stephen B. Bright, director of the Southern Center
for Human Rights and a long time advocate for death row inmates.
"Texas has put 355 people to death in the last 30 years, with just one county in
Texas, Harris County, accounting for more executions than the entire states of
Georgia or Alabama. Where is the justice in that?" asked Mr. Bright.
As to the provision of justice, Marie Curry, who lost her husband and her
daughter when Mr. Boyd shot them 17 years ago, said she was at a loss to provide
any answers.
"I really don't know, " she said.
Mrs. Curry raised Mr. Boyd's three sons, Christopher, Jamie, and Daniel, after
their father was sent to prison for their mother's murder.
"It's just a sad day. The bible says to forgive anyone that asks you, and I
did," she said, "But I can't ever forget."
North
Carolina Man Is 1,000th Executed, NYT, 2.11.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/01/national/01cnd-execution.html
Wral.com
2.12.2005
http://images.ibsys.com/2005/1202/5449790.jpg
http://www.wral.com/news/5449760/detail.html
US executions milestone
spurs fresh debate
Fri Dec 2, 2005 12:12 PM ET
Reuters
By Andy Sullivan
RALEIGH, North Carolina (Reuters) - Double
murderer Kenneth Lee Boyd became the 1,000th prisoner executed in the United
States since the reinstatement of capital punishment when he was put to death by
lethal injection on Friday.
The execution drew global attention because of its symbolism since the U.S.
Supreme Court allowed the death penalty to be brought back in 1976 after a
nine-year unofficial moratorium.
It helped spur renewed debate over U.S. capital punishment, and came on a day
that executions in Singapore and Saudi Arabia also sparked international
concerns.
"God bless everybody in here," Boyd said in his last words to witnesses from the
death chamber at Central Prison in North Carolina's state capital, Raleigh.
Boyd, who was 57, was a Vietnam War veteran with a history of alcohol abuse. He
was executed for killing his wife and father-in-law in 1988, in front of two of
his children.
"This 1,000th execution is a milestone, a milestone we should all be ashamed
of," his lawyer Thomas Maher said.
With polls showing that a declining majority of the American public backs the
death penalty, the White House reiterated U.S. President George W. Bush's
support.
"The president strongly supports the death penalty because he believes
ultimately it helps save innocent lives," White House spokesman Scott McClellan
told reporters.
Bush is a former governor of Texas, which has accounted for 355 of the 1,000
executions -- more than three times as many as any other state.
Boyd was wheeled into the death chamber, strapped to a gurney and injected with
a fatal mix of three drugs.
He seemed "sort of resigned," said witness Elyse Ashburn.
Sheriff Sam Page of Rockingham County, which prosecuted Boyd, defended the
execution. "Tonight justice has been served," he said, and he urged people to
pray for the murder victims. Two of the victims' relatives witnessed the
execution but did not speak after.
About 100 death-penalty opponents gathered on a sidewalk outside the prison.
They held candles and read the names of the other 999 convicts who have been put
to death.
DETAINED PROTESTERS
About 17 protesters were detained and charged with trespassing after stepping
onto prison property, police said. Witnesses said many had been on their knees
in prayer.
World reaction to Boyd's death was swift.
"It is a scandal that the death penalty still exists in a civilized country like
the United States of America," said Petra Herrmann, chairwoman of the German
group Alive e.V.
"How can a citizen realize that murder is wrong if the state is allowed to
murder its own citizens?" she said.
Akiko Takada, of Japan's anti-capital punishment group Forum 90, said that
despite frequent U.S. use of the death penalty "crime there shows no signs of
diminishing, so ultimately the death of these people has no effect."
"This is one small step for humankind -- backwards," American campaigner Clive
Stafford Smith told Reuters in London. "The death penalty makes us all far more
barbaric."
Bush believed it was important that the death penalty be administered "fairly
and swiftly and surely" with expanded DNA testing to make sure convictions were
secure, McClellan said.
FALLING SUPPORT
Thirty-eight of the 50 U.S. states and the federal government permit capital
punishment, and only China, Iran and Vietnam held more executions in 2004 than
the United States, according to rights group Amnesty International.
A Gallup Poll in October showed 64 percent of Americans favored the death
penalty -- the lowest level in 27 years and down from a high of 80 percent in
1994. Improved DNA testing that has led to several criminal convictions being
overturned has fueled doubts about the fairness of capital punishment.
Singapore, with the world's highest execution rate relative to population, also
carried out a death penalty on Friday, with the hanging of Australian drugs
trafficker Nguyen Tuong Van despite Australian government pleas for clemency.
In Saudi Arabia, murderer Ahmad al-Shaater became at least the 78th person put
to death this year in the conservative kingdom.
South Carolina was scheduled to execute another American, Shawn Paul Humphries,
by lethal injection at 6 p.m. (2300 GMT) on Friday for the killing of a
convenience store owner.
(Additional reporting by Tabassum Zakaria in Washington)
US
executions milestone spurs fresh debate, R, 2.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/News/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-12-02T171235Z_01_YUE154
Ed Stein
cartoon
The Rocky Mountain News, Colorado
Cagle 2.12.2005
http://cagle.msnbc.com/politicalcartoons/PCcartoons/stein.asp
http://cfapp.rockymountainnews.com/stein/index.cfm
Death row survivor assails executions
Fri Dec 2, 2005 5:26 AM ET
Reuters
By Andy Sullivan
RALEIGH, North Carolina (Reuters) - As Kenneth
Lee Boyd's death by lethal injection drew near late on Thursday, a man who spent
six years with him on North Carolina's death row stood outside a Baptist church,
clutching a candle against the biting wind.
"He was a praying man, always in the Bible," Alan Gell said of Boyd, who on
Friday morning became the 1,000th inmate to be executed in the United States
since the Supreme Court reinstated the death penalty in 1976.
Gell faced execution as well, for the 1995 murder of a retired truck driver. But
he was freed in 2004 when a second jury found that prosecutors had withheld
witness statements showing that he was in prison when the murder occurred.
Prosecutors also withheld a recording of the star witness, saying she had to
"make up a story" about the murder, the jury found.
These problems with Gell's case prompted the North Carolina legislature to
require prosecutors to share their entire file with defense attorneys before
felony trials.
The legislature nearly passed a moratorium on capital punishment this year, but
opted to let executions continue while a committee studies the issue.
So Boyd on Thursday prepared to be strapped to a gurney and injected with a
lethal mix of chemicals.
And Gell, 31, marched with other death penalty opponents to the prison where he
once awaited execution with Boyd.
"I think that it's bad that this state has to be the one to set the milestone
when it's a state that's riddled with flaws in its justice system," he told
Reuters.
Death
row survivor assails executions, R, 2.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/News/NewsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-12-02T102622Z_01_KRA237559_RTRUKOT_0_TEXT0.xml&related=true
Rob Rogers
cartoon
The Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, Pennsylvania
Cagle 2.12.2005
http://cagle.msnbc.com/politicalcartoons/PCcartoons/rogers.asp
http://www.robrogers.com/
1,000th person executed in U.S. since 1977
Posted 12/1/2005 7:43 PM
Updated 12/2/2005
9:41 AM
USA Today
RALEIGH, N.C. (AP) — A double murderer who
said he didn't want to be known as a number became the 1,000th person executed
in the United States since capital punishment resumed 28 years ago.
Kenneth Lee Boyd, who brazenly gunned down his
estranged wife and father-in-law 17 years earlier, died at 2:15 a.m. Friday
after receiving a lethal injection.
After watching Boyd die, Rockingham County Sheriff Sam Page said the victims
should be remembered. "Tonight, justice has been served for Mr. Kenneth Boyd,"
Page said.
Boyd's death rallied death penalty opponents, and about 150 protesters gathered
outside the prison.
"Maybe Kenneth Boyd won't have died in vain, in a way, because I believe the
more people think about the death penalty and are exposed to it, the more they
don't like it," said Stephen Dear, executive director of People of Faith Against
the Death Penalty.
"Any attention to the death penalty is good
because it's a filthy, rotten system," he said.
Boyd, 57, did not deny killing Julie Curry Boyd, 36, and her father, 57-year-old
Thomas Dillard Curry. But he said he thought he should be sentenced to life in
prison, and he didn't like the milestone his death would mark.
"I'd hate to be remembered as that," Boyd told The Associated Press on
Wednesday. "I don't like the idea of being picked as a number."
The Supreme Court in 1976 ruled that capital punishment could resume after a
10-year moratorium. The first execution took place the following year, when Gary
Gilmore went before a firing squad in Utah.
During the 1988 slayings, Boyd's son Christopher was pinned under his mother's
body as Boyd unloaded a .357-caliber Magnum into her. The boy pushed his way
under a bed to escape the barrage. Another son grabbed the pistol while Boyd
tried to reload.
The evidence, said prosecutor Belinda Foster, clearly supported a death
sentence.
"He went out and reloaded and came back and called 911 and said 'I've shot my
wife and her father, come on and get me.' And then we heard more gunshots. It
was on the 911 tape," Foster said.
In the execution chamber, Boyd smiled at daughter-in-law Kathy Smith — wife of a
son from Boyd's first marriage — and a minister from his home county. He asked
Smith to take care of his son and two grandchildren and she mouthed through the
thick glass panes separating execution and witness rooms that her husband was
waiting outside.
In his final words, Boyd said: "God bless everybody in here."
Boyd's attorney Thomas Maher, said the "execution of Kenneth Boyd has not made
this a better or safer world. If this 1,000th execution is a milestone, it's a
milestone we should all be ashamed of.
In Boyd's pleas for clemency, his attorneys said he served in Vietnam where he
operated a bulldozer and was shot at by snipers daily, which contributed to his
crimes.
Both Gov. Mike Easley and the U.S. Supreme Court declined to intervene.
Execution No. 1,001 was scheduled for Friday night at 6 p.m., when South
Carolina planned to put Shawn Humphries to death for the 1994 murder of a store
clerk.
1,000th person executed in U.S. since 1977, UT, 2.12.2005,
http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2005-12-01-1000th-execution_x.htm
Death penalty foes slam U.S.
over 1,000th
execution
Fri Dec 2, 2005 5:03 AM ET
Reuters
LONDON (Reuters) - Opponents of the death
penalty around the world criticized the United States on Friday after double
murderer Kenneth Lee Boyd became the 1,000th prisoner executed there since
capital punishment was reinstated in 1976.
"This is one small step for humankind -- backwards," said veteran American
campaigner Clive Stafford Smith.
"The death penalty makes us all far more barbaric. I have watched a lot of
people die, and when you come out from watching someone being executed it
certainly isn't a better world," he told Reuters in London.
Kenyan National Human Rights Commission Chairman Maina Kiai said it was "a great
pity that the U.S. can keep on executing people" when much of the developed
world was moving toward ending the death penalty.
"Also, the fact that in the U.S. a lot of death sentences that are carried out
invariably affect people of color and poor people, it's an issue of great
concern," Kiai said.
In Singapore, where a 25-year-old Australian drug courier was hanged just hours
before Boyd's execution, Sinapan Samydorai, president of the think tank Think
Center, said there was no justice without life.
"The U.S. is supposed to be a champion of human rights and democracy, yet they
do not recognize the right to life," he said.
Singapore has a mandatory death sentence for crimes such as murder, firearms
offences and drug trafficking, and has hanged some 420 people since 1991, mainly
for drug trafficking.
"It is a scandal that the death penalty still exists in a civilized country like
the United States of America," said Petra Herrmann, chairwoman of the German
group Alive e.V.
"How can a citizen realize that murder is wrong if the state is allowed to
murder its own citizens?" she said.
Dr. Hans Joachim Meyer, president of the central committee of the German
Catholics Association, said: "We are utterly against the death penalty. There is
no reason for it to exist in a society based upon human rights."
DEATH "HAS NO EFFECT"
In Japan, where the death penalty is widely supported, Akiko Takada of
anti-capital punishment group Forum 90 said that despite frequent use of the
death penalty in the United States, "crime there shows no signs of diminishing,
so ultimately the death of these people has no effect".
Boyd, who was 57, died at 2:15 a.m. (0715 GMT) in the death chamber of Central
Prison in North Carolina's state capital, Raleigh, spokeswoman Pamela Walker of
the Department of Corrections said. Boyd was strapped to a gurney and injected
with a fatal mix of three drugs.
The Vietnam war veteran with a history of alcohol abuse was sentenced to death
for the 1988 murder of his wife and father-in-law. The crimes were committed in
front of two of his children.
The U.S. Supreme Court reinstated the death penalty in the United States in 1976
and the first execution was carried out a year later.
Thirty-eight of the 50 U.S. states and the federal government permit capital
punishment and only China, Iran and Vietnam held more executions in 2004 than
the United States, according to rights group Amnesty International.
(Reporting by correspondents in Nairobi, Berlin, Singapore, London, Tokyo)
Death
penalty foes slam U.S. over 1,000th execution, R, 2.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/News/NewsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-12-02T100257Z_01_KRA230816_RTRUKOT_0_TEXT0.xml&related=true
White House: Death Penalty Deters Crime
December 2, 2005
Filed at 11:25 a.m. ET
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
The New York Times
WASHINGTON (AP) -- President Bush strongly
supports the death penalty in the belief that ''ultimately it helps save
innocent lives,'' his spokesman said Friday as the United States marked its
1,000th execution since capital punishment resumed in 1977.
White House press secretary Scott McClellan said it was important that the death
penalty ''be administered fairly and swiftly and surely, and that helps it serve
as a deterrent.'' He noted that Bush promoted an initiative to expand the use of
DNA evidence to prevent wrongful convictions.
As governor of Texas, a state that executes more inmates than any other, Bush
commuted one death sentence and allowed 152 executions during his six years in
office.
The 1,000th execution took place in Raleigh, N.C., early Friday, where Kenneth
Lee Boyd received a lethal injection. He was convicted of killing his estranged
wife and father-in-law in 1988.
White
House: Death Penalty Deters Crime, NYT, 2.11.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/national/AP-Bush-Death-Penalty.html
After 24 Years on Death Row,
Clemency Is
Killer's Final Appeal
December 2, 2005
The New York Times
By ADAM LIPTAK
SAN QUENTIN, Calif., Nov. 30 - Stanley Tookie
Williams, once a leader of a notorious street gang and now perhaps the nation's
most prominent death row inmate, leaned over a small wooden table in a cramped
visiting cell here and tried to explain what he used to be and what he has
become.
"I have a despicable background," Mr. Williams said. "I was a criminal. I was a
co-founder of the Crips. I was a nihilist."
"But people forget," he added, chewing on a turkey sandwich, "that redemption is
tailor-made for the wretched."
All that stands between Mr. Williams and his execution, set for Dec. 13, is the
possibility that Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger will commute his sentence to life in
prison after a clemency hearing next week.
Such commutations used to be common in the United States, granted in 20 percent
to 25 percent of all death sentences reviewed by governors in the first half of
the last century. With the exception of a few cases in which departing governors
with misgivings about the death penalty granted wholesale clemency to condemned
inmates, commutations have become rare. No condemned prisoner has been spared in
California since 1967.
Governors once considered the commutation of a death sentence to be an act of
mercy or grace. In recent years, though, they have tended to act only to correct
errors in the judicial system and, occasionally, to take account of mental
illness or retardation.
When Gov. Mark R. Warner of Virginia spared Robin Lovitt's life on Tuesday, for
instance, he said that he was acting "to reaffirm public confidence in our
justice system." The execution could not proceed, he said, because potentially
exculpatory DNA evidence had been destroyed.
Mr. Williams's basic claim is different. Although he says he is innocent of the
four 1979 murders that sent him to death row in 1981, his lawyers base their
request for clemency on the good that Mr. Williams has done during his years in
prison.
He is an author of children's books, a memoir and the Tookie Peace Protocol, a
set of fill-in the-blanks forms for rival gangs wishing to declare a truce. He
gives lectures to youth groups by telephone. His supporters have nominated him
for the Nobel Prize, for both literature and peace.
Mr. Schwarzenegger must decide in Mr. Williams's case whether clemency means
something more than additional scrutiny of the evidence presented in court or
whether it should also take account of the progress of a prisoner's life in the
years following a death sentence.
His answer will have a broad impact, as the pace of executions in California is
about to quicken. The state, which has the nation's largest death row but seldom
executes anyone, faces the possibility of three executions before the end of
February.
Mr. Williams, 51, is a large, deliberate black man with more salt than pepper in
his beard. He wears his hair in a short ponytail, and his round rimless glasses
give him an intellectual air. A proud autodidact, he chooses his words with
care, preferring the bigger ones.
Mr. Williams acknowledged that his story, which has attracted the support of
rappers and Hollywood celebrities and has been made into a television movie, is
a jumble of contradictions that will not be easy for the governor to untangle.
Prosecutors and victims rights groups say Mr. Williams's crimes must outweigh
whatever he has done since.
"This is a guy who blew away four people with his shotgun and laughed about it,"
said Michael Rushford, the president of the Criminal Justice Legal Foundation in
Sacramento. "Guys like him were your worst nightmare in L.A. in the 70's. They'd
blow you away for your shoes. For nothing. For sport."
Mr. Williams was convicted of four murders, those of Albert Owens, a shop clerk
killed during the robbery of a convenience store in February 1979, and of
Tsai-Shai Yang, Yen-I Yang and Yee-Chen Lin, killed during the robbery of their
family-run motel the next month.
Steve Cooley, the Los Angeles County district attorney, told Mr. Schwarzenegger
in a submission this month opposing clemency, that Mr. Williams's failure to
"take any responsibility for the brutal, destructive and murderous acts he
committed" means that "there can be no redemption, there can be no atonement,
and there should be no mercy."
In a long interview here, Mr. Williams countered, "How can a person express
contrition if he's not guilty?" He added: "They want me executed. Period. I
exemplify something they don't want to see happen - a redemptive
transformation."
He said he had a bit of history with the man who would decide his fate, based on
a shared passion for bodybuilding. Mr. Williams said he used to work out at the
Gold's Gym on the Santa Monica beach in the 1970's.
"I was pretty enormous back then," Mr. Williams said, "and exceptionally
strong."
Mr. Schwarzenegger passed Mr. Williams on the Santa Monica boardwalk one day and
told a companion, according to Mr. Williams: "Look, that man doesn't have arms.
He has legs."
The governor has said he does not recall the incident, and he has declined to
say what standards he will use in deciding whether Mr. Williams or any other
California inmate should live. "I really don't have any guidelines set for
that," Mr. Schwarzenegger told reporters in November. "It's a case-by-case
situation."
"This is kind of the toughest thing to do when you're governor," he added. "And
so I dread that situation, but it's something that's part of the job, and I have
to do it." A spokeswoman declined to elaborate.
Asked what he would tell the governor were they to meet again, Mr. Williams
said: "First and foremost, I would say that I'm innocent. Second, I believe that
if I'm allowed to get a clemency or an indefinite stay, it would allow me to
continue to proliferate my positive message, including a collaboration with the
N.A.A.C.P., to create a violence-prevention message for at-risk youth."
Other governors in recent years have focused on only the type of argument that
Mr. Williams makes first, that he is innocent. They have acted as a sort of
backstop to the judicial system, driven in part, perhaps, by a fear of seeming
soft on crime.
"In every case," George W. Bush, then governor of Texas, wrote in "A Charge to
Keep," his 1999 memoir, "I would ask: Is there any doubt about this individual's
guilt or innocence? And, have the courts had ample opportunity to review all the
legal issues in this case?"
Bill Clinton said much the same thing as governor of Arkansas, expressing a
reluctance to take decisions away from the courts.
Mr. Schwarzenegger, a Republican, has twice denied clemency, to Kevin Cooper,
whose execution was stayed by the courts last year, and to Donald Beardslee, who
was executed in January.
In the Beardslee case, Mr. Schwarzenegger seemed to discount the possibility
that a prisoner's actions in prison should figure in the clemency determination.
"While I commend Beardslee for his prison record and his ability to conform his
behavior to meet or exceed expected prison norms," Mr. Schwarzenegger said, "I
am not moved to mercy by the fact that Beardslee has been a model prisoner. I
expect no less."
Mr. Williams's main lawyers for his clemency application, from the New York law
firm of Curtis, Mallet-Prevost, Colt & Mosle, say Mr. Schwarzenegger should
think more broadly about his power to be merciful.
"We seek clemency for the man Stanley Williams has become," they wrote in their
clemency petition, "for the good work he has done, and for the good work he will
continue to do."
The traditional definition of clemency, said Austin Sarat, a professor of
jurisprudence and political science at Amherst College and author of "Mercy on
Trial," a study of capital clemency, was concerned with neither justice nor
redemption, the two arguments Mr. Williams has pressed.
"The idea of clemency was the reduction of a deserved punishment," he said. "It
wasn't thought of as justice. You couldn't earn or deserve clemency. It was an
act of mercy or an act of grace."
In "Against Mercy," an article in The Minnesota Law Review last year, Dan
Markel, a law professor at Florida State University, argued that mercy in that
sense was problematic. It not only fails to deliver warranted punishment,
Professor Markel wrote, but also flies in the face of a societal commitment to
equal justice under the law.
A narrow conception of clemency limited to correcting errors in the judicial
system helps explain recent trends. In the last decade, putting aside Gov.
George Ryan's emptying of Illinois's death row in 2003, there have been about
two executive clemencies in capital cases each year.
In California, Gov. Edmund G. Brown commuted 23 death sentences from 1959 to
1967, while allowing 36 executions to proceed. In "Public Justice, Private
Mercy," a 1989 book about how he made those decisions, Mr. Brown said he acted
when there were questions about the inmate's guilt, when new evidence had come
to light and when the punishment seemed disproportionate to that received by
others.
Ronald Reagan, who succeeded Mr. Brown, granted the last capital commutation in
California, in 1967, to a brain-damaged man.
There are almost 650 people on death row here, compared with slightly more than
400 in Texas. But Texas has executed 355 people since the United States Supreme
Court reinstated the death penalty in 1976. California has executed 11.
"We don't want to churn them out the way some of the states in the South do,"
Ronald M. George, the chief justice of the California Supreme Court, said in an
interview on Monday. "But it can drag on for 20 years, which does not reflect
well on the system."
Mr. Williams stands at the head of a growing line, as California now seems on
the verge of a spate of executions. Another one is scheduled for January and a
third is likely in February.
Mr. Williams said he had given some thought to his last day should things not
work out with the governor.
"They have," he said of prison officials, his voice rising, "the audacity to
ask, 'Do I want a last meal?' Absolutely not. 'Do I want anyone present?'
Absolutely not. 'Do I want a preacher?' Absolutely not. I want nothing from this
institution."
But he did want something, he said later.
"I want to live," he said.
After
24 Years on Death Row, Clemency Is Killer's Final Appeal, NYT, 2.12.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/02/national/02prison.html
Death penalty
recommended for 11-year-old's
killer
Posted 12/1/2005 4:59 PM
Updated 12/1/2005
8:55 PM
USA Today
SARASOTA, Fla. (AP) — Jurors recommended the
death penalty Thursday for a mechanic convicted of abducting and killing an
11-year-old girl in an attack that was taped by a surveillance camera and
broadcast worldwide.
Joseph Smith wipes away tears during closing arguments of the penalty phase of
his trial on Thursday.
By Chip Litherland, Sarasota Herald-Tribune
Jurors deliberated five hours before arriving at their recommendation, voting
10-2 for the death penalty for Joseph Smith.
Circuit Judge Andrew Owens ultimately will issue the sentence, as early as next
month. Under the law, he must give great weight to the jury's decision before
imposing a sentence of death or life in prison without parole.
Joseph Smith was convicted last month on charges of kidnapping, sexual battery
and first-degree murder in the slaying of Carlie Brucia.
Smith, 39, showed no reaction as the recommendation was read. Carlie's mother,
Susan Schorpen, let out deep sobs and hugged relatives after the verdict was
read. Patricia Davis, Smith's mother, left the courtroom crying.
In closing arguments earlier, prosecutor Debra Riva sought the death penalty,
saying Smith was clear-headed enough to get rid of evidence and recount his
crimes to his brother, which she said showed he was not impaired by a mental
disorder or drugs.
"He chose to prey upon a child for sexual gratification," Riva said. "... He was
under the influence of his urges, not under the influence of a mental disorder."
Defense attorney Adam Tebrugge argued for a sentence of life in prison without
parole, saying it would punish Smith, protect society and provide "a fitting
conclusion to this horrific case."
"The Joe Smith on Feb. 1, 2004, was a man in pain, ravaged by drug abuse and out
of control," Tebrugge said. "The Joe Smith, the drug addict who was out of
control, will never exist again because he will be kept away from drugs."
Carlie's mother, Susan Schorpen, walked out of the courtroom as Tebrugge made
his case.
Smith, 39, has admitted in taped conversations recorded in jail that he used
either heroin or cocaine at the time he kidnapped Carlie.
The jury then began considering which sentence to recommend in the case, which
became known worldwide because Carlie's Feb. 1, 2004, abduction from a car wash
parking lot was taped by a surveillance camera and broadcast repeatedly.
Also Thursday, Owens decided Smith could not read a statement in front of jurors
about his crimes. The judge said the statement could be made in front of jurors
only if prosecutors were allowed to cross-examine Smith, something defense
attorneys did not want.
Instead, Owens said, the statement could be made during a subsequent hearing
when he considers the jury's recommendation.
Death
penalty recommended for 11-year-old's killer, UT, 1.1.2005,
http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2005-12-01-killersentencing_x.htm
Scott Langley,
who is the Death Penalty
Abolition Coordinator
for Amnesty International in North Carolina,
participates in a protest against the scheduled execution of Kenneth Lee Boyd
in front of Central Prison in Raleigh, North Carolina December 1, 2005.
Photograph: REUTERS/Ellen Ozier
N. Carolina awaits 1,000th modern
U.S. execution R
1.12.2005
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=fundLaunches&storyID=
2005-12-02T041540Z_01_YUE154769_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION.xml
N. Carolina
awaits 1,000th modern U.S.
execution
Thu Dec 1, 2005 11:15 PM ET
Reuters
By Andy Sullivan
RALEIGH, North Carolina (Reuters) - Death
penalty opponents marched by candlelight to a North Carolina prison on Thursday
as the state prepared to execute the 1,000th prisoner in the United States since
capital punishment was reinstated nearly 30 years ago.
Less than four hours before Kenneth Lee Boyd, 57, was scheduled to die by lethal
injection for shooting his wife and father-in-law in 1988 in front of two of his
children, state Gov. Mike Easley announced he was denying clemency. The U.S.
Supreme Court had rejected a final appeal earlier on Thursday.
"Having carefully reviewed the facts and circumstances of these crimes and
convictions, I find no compelling reason to grant clemency and overturn the
unanimous jury verdict affirmed by the state and federal courts," Easley said in
a statement.
Clemency from the governor had been Boyd's last chance to avoid execution. He
will be strapped to a gurney at 2 a.m. (0700 GMT) on Friday and given an
opportunity to make a last statement.
He will then be injected with three drugs -- sodium pentothal to put him to
sleep, pancuronium bromide to paralyze him, and potassium chloride to stop his
heart. Five minutes after his heart stops, he will officially be declared dead.
Boyd's lawyer Thomas Maher, who spoke to his client earlier in the day, said he
was calm as he prepared to die.
"His concern is that who he is will get lost in a bizarre coincidence that he's
number 1,000," Maher told Reuters. "He said it best: 'I'm a person, not a
statistic.'"
SYSTEM QUESTIONED
Outside Raleigh's Central Prison, opponents of capital punishment gathered after
an interfaith prayer service to protest against the pending execution.
"What we are doing in the name of our government is in all of our names, and we
do not want our names to be attached to this injustice," Rabbi Lucy Dinner said
at the service, attended by about 100 people.
The Supreme Court allowed the death penalty to resume in 1976, and 38 of the 50
American states and the federal government now permit capital punishment.
Only China, Iran and Vietnam held more executions in 2004 than the United
States, according to rights group Amnesty International.
Alan Gell, who sat on death row with Boyd before he was retried and acquitted in
2004, said his case had showed the state's justice system was flawed.
"I think that it's a bad thing that this state has to be the one to set the
milestone when it's a state that's riddled with flaws in its justice system," he
said after attending the service.
Gell was retried and acquitted after a judge ruled prosecutors had withheld
evidence in his first trial.
North Carolina Department of Corrections spokeswoman Pamela Walker said Boyd was
spending his final hours with his family.
About 5 p.m. (2200 GMT), he received his requested final meal of New York strip
steak, a baked potato with sour cream, salad with ranch dressing and cola, no
dessert.
Boyd, a Vietnam veteran with a history of alcohol abuse, worked in a cotton mill
and as a truck driver before he went to prison. Maher said he did not have a
violent record before he committed the double murder.
Rockingham County District Attorney Belinda Foster, who won his conviction, said
Boyd carried out the murders in a deliberate manner, returning to his truck to
reload at one point and calling emergency workers to report the crime as he was
still shooting.
Although the death penalty remains favored by a clear majority of Americans, the
number of executions has fallen sharply in recent years.
Neighboring South Carolina is scheduled next to execute Shawn Paul Humphries at
6 p.m. (2300 GMT) on Friday, also by lethal injection, for the killing of a
convenience store owner in a robbery.
N.
Carolina awaits 1,000th modern U.S. execution, R, 1.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=fundLaunches&storyID=2005-12-02T041540Z_01_YUE154769_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION.xml
US set for 1,000th execution
Thu Dec 1, 2005 12:02 PM ET
Reuters
By Andy Sullivan
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Barring an unlikely
intervention, a convicted killer will die by lethal injection in the dead of
night on Friday in the 1,000th execution in the United States since the death
penalty was reinstated three decades ago.
Kenneth Boyd, 57, was scheduled to die at Central Prison in Raleigh, North
Carolina at 2 a.m. EST (0700 GMT) for killing his estranged wife and her father
in 1988 in front of his children.
His execution has attracted worldwide attention not because of the nature of the
crime, but because it will mark a symbolic milestone in the history of the death
penalty.
Experts on the issue said state Gov. Mike Easley was unlikely to commute his
sentence as happened in Virginia on Tuesday when a convict was spared becoming
the 1,000th execution thanks to a last minute decision by the governor.
"He's not one to limit these sorts of things," That Beyle, a political science
professor at the University of North Carolina, said of Easley.
Death penalty opponents were expected to gather near the prison late on Thursday
to protest Boyd's execution. On Wednesday, about 100 people demonstrated outside
the U.S. embassy in Rome as part of worldwide vigils and rallies organized by a
Catholic Church group against judicial killing.
TWO TO DIE ON FRIDAY
Even if there is a last minute change in Raleigh, 16 hours later on Friday at 6
p.m. EST (2300 GMT), Shawn Paul Humphries was due to die in South Carolina, also
by lethal injection, for the killing of a convenience store owner in a robbery.
A spokesman for South Carolina Gov. Mark Sanford said the governor's legal team
was not going to recommend clemency. The U.S. Supreme Court allowed
reintroduction of the death penalty in 1976 and 38 of the 50 American states and
the federal government now permit capital punishment.
Though the number of executions carried out has fallen sharply in recent years
and public support is waning, the death penalty remains favored by a clear
majority of Americans.
Only China, Iran and Vietnam held more executions in 2004 than the United
States, according to rights group Amnesty International.
Easley, a former state attorney general, has commuted only two death penalty
sentences since taking office in 2001 and allowed 22 to be carried out,
including one two weeks ago.
That man, like Boyd, was convicted of killing his wife and Easley allowed the
execution to go ahead despite pleas for mercy from the prisoner's children.
"He chose not to grant clemency, which makes it very unlikely in this case that
he would grant clemency," said Scott Langley, North Carolina coordinator for
Amnesty International. Cari Boyce, the governor's spokeswoman, said on Wednesday
Easley has not decided whether to pardon Boyd or commute his sentence to life in
prison.
US
set for 1,000th execution, R, 1.12.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-12-01T170229Z_01_YUE154769_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION.xml
Convicted murderer Kenneth Boyd
is seen in
an undated photo.
The Governor of North Carolina could spare 57-year-old Boyd,
who is scheduled for lethal injection on Friday morning
for killing his estranged wife and her father in 1988
in front of his children.
REUTERS/North Carolina Department of Correction/Handout
US set to carry out 1,000th execution
this week R
30.11.2005
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=
2005-11-30T222229Z_01_YUE068764_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION.xml
The death chamber at the Central Prison in
Raleigh, North Carolina,
is pictured in this undated file photograph.
Barring an unlikely intervention, a convicted killer will die by lethal
injection
in the dead of night on Friday in the 1,000th execution in the United States
since the death penalty was reinstated three decades ago.
REUTERS/North Carolina Department of Correction/Handout
US set for 1,000th execution
R 1.12.2005
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=
2005-12-01T170229Z_01_YUE154769_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION.xml
US set to carry out
1,000th execution this
week
Wed Nov 30, 2005 5:22 PM ET
The New York Times
By Andy Sullivan
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The United States is
virtually certain this week to execute its 1,000th prisoner since 1977 with two
inmates scheduled to die by lethal injection in North Carolina and South
Carolina, where they are unlikely to be granted clemency, experts said on
Wednesday.
Death-penalty experts said North Carolina Gov. Mike Easley is unlikely to spare
Kenneth Boyd, who is scheduled to die at 2 a.m. (/0700 GMT) on Friday for
killing his estranged wife and her father in 1988 in front of his children.
"He's not one to limit these sorts of things," said University of North Carolina
political science professor Thad Beyle.
A spokesman for South Carolina Gov. Mark Sanford said the governor's legal team
is not going to recommend clemency for Shawn Paul Humphries, convicted of
killing a convenience store owner in a robbery. Humphries is scheduled to die at
6 p.m. (/2300 GMT) local time.
If they proceed the executions will mark the 1,000th and 1,001st since the U.S.
Supreme Court reinstated the death penalty almost 30 years ago.
That distinction would have fallen on Virginia prisoner Robin Lovitt, but Gov.
Mark Warner on Tuesday commuted his sentence to life in prison because a court
clerk violated state law by destroying DNA evidence that might have proved
Lovitt innocent.
In North Carolina, Easley, a former state attorney general, has declined to
intervene in cases like Lovitt's that raised procedural questions, said Ken Rose
of the Center for Death Penalty Litigation, which helps defend capital cases.
"We have a governor that has not considered fairness of the trials in his
consideration for clemency," Rose said.
Easley has commuted two death-penalty sentences since taking office in 2001 and
allowed 22 to be carried out.
His spokeswoman, Cari Boyce, said Easley has not decided whether to pardon Boyd
or commute his sentence to life in prison. "The governor gives every clemency
case careful and thorough review and this case is no exception," she said in an
e-mail.
Easley allowed the execution two weeks ago of a man who, like Boyd, was
convicted of killing his wife, despite pleas for mercy from the prisoner's
children, noted Scott Langley, North Carolina coordinator for Amnesty
International.
"He chose not to grant clemency, which makes it very unlikely in this case that
he would grant clemency," said Langley.
Boyd, a high-school dropout and Vietnam War veteran with a history of alcohol
abuse, had no record of violent crime before he killed his wife and stepfather,
his lawyer said.
"Even if one were to have the death penalty, it truly should be reserved for the
worst of the worst and Kenneth Boyd just is not that," said attorney Thomas
Maher.
The district attorney who won Boyd's conviction said his background did not
matter. "He's being punished for what he did, not for what he didn't do," said
Rockingham County District Attorney Belinda Foster.
A Gallup poll last month showed 64 percent of Americans supported the death
penalty, the lowest level in 27 years, compared with a high of 80 percent in
1994.
(Additional reporting by Harriet McLeod
in Charleston, South Carolina)
US
set to carry out 1,000th execution this week, R, 30.11.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-11-30T222229Z_01_YUE068764_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION.xml
N.C. inmate hopes he's not number 1,000
Posted 11/30/2005 3:18 PM
USA Today
RALEIGH, N.C. (AP) — An inmate set to become
the 1,000th person executed in the U.S. since capital punishment was reinstated
said Wednesday he doesn't think he deserves death for murdering his estranged
wife and her father.
Kenneth Lee Boyd talks during an interview at central prison in Raleigh, N.C.
By Gerry Broome, AP
"I don't like the idea of being picked as a number," Kenneth Lee Boyd told The
Associated Press in a prison interview. "I feel like I should be in prison for
the rest of my life."
Boyd, scheduled to die by injection at 2 a.m. Friday, could have been the
1,001st inmate put to death since 1977 had outgoing Virginia Gov. Mark Warner
not granted clemency to another inmate Tuesday. Warner, considered a contender
for the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination, said destroyed DNA evidence led
him to reduce Robin Lovitt's sentence to life in prison without parole.
Boyd is seeking clemency from North Carolina Gov. Mike Easley. A federal appeals
court also could block his execution, but a U.S. district court judge wrote in
an order Tuesday that Boyd "has a nearly non-existent likelihood of success" in
his arguments.
Boyd does not deny killing Julie Curry Boyd and Thomas Dillard Curry, but said
he remembered little about the 1988 shootings at Curry's home in Rockingham
County on the Virginia state line. The Boyds had separated and Julie Boyd was
living with her father when Kenneth Boyd killed them.
"I remember sitting in my house, nobody there," Boyd said. "I blinked my eyes
and I'd done shot my father-in-law. When they told me how many times I shot her,
I couldn't believe it.
"It's just a thing that happened, just snapped."
Boyd's attorney, Thomas Maher, said Wednesday he plans to file appeals with the
4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals and the U.S. Supreme Court.
But after the decision in Virginia put Boyd on schedule to become the 1,000th
person executed since 1977, Maher said he also hoped the attention would lead
Easley to take the clemency petition seriously.
"But I hope that would be true regardless of whether this is case 999, 1000 or
1001," Maher said.
A spokeswoman for Easley, Cari Boyce, said the governor will treat the execution
like others he has considered.
Easley has granted clemency twice since 2001, but both times there were
extenuating circumstances not seen in Boyd's case.
One case was marked by accusations that the jury was racially biased against the
defendant, a black man convicted of killing the husband of a white woman with
whom he had been having an affair.
The other case involved lost DNA evidence, like the Virginia case in which
Warner granted clemency to Lovitt.
In 2001, a court clerk destroyed much of the evidence in Lovitt's case,
including a pair of scissors used to stab a man to death in a 1998 robbery at an
Arlington, Va., pool hall. Just a few weeks earlier, Virginia implemented a law
requiring the preservation of DNA evidence in death row cases.
Lovitt, 42, admitted grabbing the cash box in the robbery but denied killing
Clayton Dicks.
Initial DNA tests on the scissors were inconclusive, but Lovitt's lawyers, who
include former Whitewater independent counsel Kenneth Starr, argued that more
sophisticated DNA tests available today could have cleared their client.
Warner, who has allowed 11 executions over nearly four years in office, had
never before granted clemency to a death row inmate.
"The commonwealth must ensure that every time this ultimate sanction is carried
out, it is done fairly," he said.
Warner's clemency decision could boost his national prospects, said Larry
Sabato, director of the Center for Politics at the University of Virginia.
Democratic party activists in Iowa, which has an early caucus, and New
Hampshire, which has an early primary, are vehemently anti-death penalty, he
said.
The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 1976 that state laws to reform capital
punishment were valid, ending a 10-year moratorium on the death penalty.
N.C.
inmate hopes he's not number 1,000, NYT, 30.11.2005,
http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2005-11-30-1000th-execution_x.htm
FACTBOX-
Five facts about US capital
punishment
Wed Nov 30, 2005 2:18 PM ET
Reuters
(Reuters) - Convicted murderer Kenneth Boyd,
whose execution is scheduled for early Friday morning in North Carolina, would
be the 1,000th person put to death in the United States since the Supreme Court
reinstated the death penalty in 1976.
Here are five facts about capital punishment in the United States.
* The Supreme Court ruled earlier this year
that crimes committed by juveniles could not be punished by death. That resulted
in 71 people being taken off death row and followed a Supreme Court decision in
2002 that it was unconstitutional to execute criminals who are mentally
retarded.
* A Gallup poll last month showed 64 percent
of Americans favored the death penalty -- the lowest level in 27 years, down
from a high of 80 percent in 1994.
* Texas, Virginia and Oklahoma account for
more than half of the executions performed since 1977. Texas alone has carried
out 355.
* Republicans in the U.S. Congress said
recently they were moving ahead with legislation that would speed up executions
in the United States by limiting the ability of those sentenced to death to
appeal to federal courts.
* The number of people sentenced to death and
put to death in the United States has been falling in recent years. Last year,
59 prisoners were executed, six fewer than in 2003, according to the Justice
Department.
FACTBOX-Five facts about US capital punishment, R, 30.11.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/NewsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-11-30T191845Z_01_YUE069455_RTRUKOT_0_TEXT0.xml&related=true
FACTBOX-
Five facts about executions
globally
Wed Nov 30, 2005 2:19 PM ET
Reuters
(Reuters) - Convicted murderer Kenneth Boyd,
who is scheduled to be executed early on Friday in North Carolina, would be the
1,000th person put to death in the United States since the Supreme Court
reinstated the death penalty in 1976.
Here are some facts about capital punishment worldwide.
* More than 3,797 people were executed in 2004, according to Amnesty
International's report, "The death penalty worldwide: developments in 2004."
That was the second-highest figure the organization has recorded since its
monitoring began 25 years ago. In 1996, 4,272 were executed, Amnesty said.
* Five countries -- Bhutan, Greece, Samoa, Senegal and Turkey -- abolished the
death penalty last year, taking the total number to 120, the human-rights
organization said earlier this year.
* China accounted for at least 3,400 executions last year -- about nine out of
10 cases. Iran was second, executing at least 159 people. Three were children,
including a 16-year-old girl hanged for "acts incompatible with chastity," it
said. China also executed at least one person under 18 when he committed his
crime. The United States executed 59 people last year, while Vietnam executed at
least 64.
* Amnesty said at least 7,395 people received fresh death sentences in 64
countries last year -- the highest rate since 1996.
FACTBOX-Five facts about executions globally, R, 30.11.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/NewsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-11-30T191937Z_01_YUE069567_RTRUKOT_0_TEXT0.xml&related=true
Rallies held statewide
to urge gang
founder's clemency
Posted 11/30/2005 7:48 PM
Updated 11/30/2005
11:22 PM
USA Today
LOS ANGELES (AP) — Death penalty opponents
rallied around the state Wednesday to urge Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger to save
the life of convicted killer-turned-gang peace activist Stanley "Tookie"
Williams.
The demonstrations came as the California
Supreme Court refused a request by lawyers for Williams to reopen the case.
The co-founder of the Crips street gang is scheduled to die Dec. 13 by lethal
injection after being convicted of murdering four people in 1979.
Schwarzenegger plans a meeting on Dec. 8 with
prosecutors and lawyers for Williams who are seeking clemency.
"What I want to do is make sure we make the right decisions, because we're
dealing here with a person's life," Schwarzenegger said, echoing comments he
made earlier this month while on a trip to China.
Eleven rallies on behalf of Williams were scheduled throughout the day from San
Diego to Sacramento to coincide with hundreds of demonstrations around the globe
for "World Cities Against the Death Penalty Day."
In Sacramento, about 30 people, mostly religious leaders and activists, turned
out for a chilly protest outside City Hall.
Amanda Wilcox, whose 19-year-old daughter Laura was gunned down in 2001, said
she doesn't support the death penalty.
"If killing is so wrong, how can it be right to kill?" Wilcox asked.
Gail Erlandson, a retired theology teacher at a private girls high school, told
the crowd she and three students met Williams at San Quentin prison several
years ago.
Other inmates "stood in respect and called out a word which in Swahili means
leader," she said.
Williams, 51, was convicted of murdering a Whittier convenience store clerk and
three people at a Pico Rivera motel less than two weeks later. He denies
committing the crimes.
Some people are convinced Williams should die, including a former acquaintance.
"Tookie really murdered those people," Jimel Barnes, 52, of Compton said at Los
Angeles City Hall before a rally there.
Williams "went around South-Central bragging about it," said Barnes, who is also
cited by some as a co-founder of the Crips.
The Los Angeles rally attracted about 40 people, including clergy, death penalty
opponents and the Black Riders, a group of youths in black clothing and
camouflage outfits who raised the clenched-fist black power salute and chanted
"Let Tookie live!"
"We're all remaining optimistic, we're all remaining prayerful," said Bonnie
Williams-Taylor, Williams' ex-wife and mother of one of his sons. She said her
ex-husband was convicted to be a "fall guy" for out-of-control gang violence.
Rapper Snoop Dogg, actor Jamie Foxx and others who have publicly supported
clemency met Wednesday night at the downtown Los Angeles library where
selections were read from books written by Williams urging youngsters to avoid
gangs.
In San Francisco, more than 50 people lined the steps of City Hall to denounce
the death penalty and urge the governor to spare Williams.
"We need to save him not only for himself but for all of us and what he can
teach us," said Dolores Huerta, co-founder of the United Farm Workers union.
Assemblyman Mark Leno, D-San Francisco, urged passage of legislation that would
temporarily suspend the death penalty until a state commission completes a
two-year study of capital punishment.
"There's so many children from my neighborhood ... they have no hope," Cheryl
Denson, 40, said in Los Angeles. "They need light, and Tookie Williams is their
light."
It's important "to see a man who's 10 times worse than they are telling them to
put the guns down," she said.
Rallies held statewide to urge gang founder's clemency, UT, 30.11.2005,
http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2005-11-30-williams-execution_x.htm
Texas judge delays execution,
waits for DNA
testing
Wed Nov 30, 2005 4:20 PM ET
Reuters
HOUSTON (Reuters) - A Texas judge on Wednesday
delayed what would have been the state's last execution of the year, ordering
DNA testing on evidence in a 14-year-old case.
The stay means Texas, the most active death penalty state, will finish 2005 with
19 executions, the lowest total since 2001 and the second-lowest figure in nine
years.
Tony Ford, 32, was scheduled to die by lethal injection on December 7 for the
murder of 17-year-old Armando Murillo in El Paso.
Ford's attorney, Richard Burr, acknowledges his client drove two men to a house
on December 18, 1991, to collect a drug-related debt. Ford contends the other
men entered the house and shot Murillo, his mother and his sister.
The women survived.
One of the men, Van Belton, has been sentenced to 60 years for aggravated
robbery.
Clothing belonging to the other man will be tested to determine if possible
bloodstains belong to any of the victims. That man was not charged with
involvement in the attack.
"If the clothing was somehow exposed to blood during the crime, then the blood
on there ought to be from one of the victims who was shot," Burr said.
Ford received a 90-day stay, which Burr said should be enough time to test the
stain. If the test does not match blood from the crime scene, or if results are
inconclusive, Burr said a new execution date likely will be set.
If new evidence results in a commutation, Burr said Ford could still be liable
for a lesser conviction because of his admitted involvement as driver.
Texas has executed 355 of the 999 convicted killers put to death since capital
punishment resumed in the United States in 1977 after a hiatus caused by a U.S.
Supreme Court review.
The United States' 1,000th execution since 1977 is expected to take place this
week in North or South Carolina.
Texas
judge delays execution, waits for DNA testing, R, 30.11.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-11-30T222229Z_01_YUE068764_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION.xml
US taste for executions fed by crime
Wed Nov 30, 2005 2:19 PM ET
Reuters
By Michael Conlon
CHICAGO (Reuters) - One of the highest murder
rates in the world, a tradition of frontier justice and unwavering faith in
biblical retribution have helped keep the death penalty alive in the United
States even as much of the modern world has rejected it, experts on the subject
say.
In the face of international scorn and a trend that has seen a record 105
countries halt capital punishment, America has continued to embrace it,
accounting along with China, Iran and Vietnam, for most of the world's known
executions.
Early on Friday, a death sentence is expected to be imposed in North Carolina.
If that happens, it will mark the 1,000th execution since the country
re-legalized the process in 1976 after a 10-year hiatus. Before then, starting
from 1608 in colonial days, the land that became the United States recorded more
than 14,000 legal executions -- and unknown additional numbers at the hands of
vigilantes.
"The first thing is that compared to Europe, we have a much higher homicide
rate," said Tom Smith of the University of Chicago's National Opinion Research
Center. Polls have clearly demonstrated that popular support for capital
punishment rises and falls as homicide rates do, he said.
While the U.S. rate is down from recent years, it is still among the highest in
the world, behind a number of countries that include Russia, South Africa,
Colombia and Mexico.
Other factors are harder to quantify, Smith said, but one seems to be that the
country has the largest concentration of evangelistic Christians "who believe in
sin and the punishment of sin, and that capital punishment is biblically
ordained."
"That tradition is stronger in the United States than any European country," he
said, and it accompanies a frontier tradition of "swift and sure justice to deal
with criminals ... You catch a cattle rustler, you string him up."
That fits with a strong sense of individualism -- that people themselves and not
society are to blame for the bad things they do, he added.
It is much harder to prove that racism is involved, Smith said, though
statistics show blacks are on death row in numbers far disproportionate to the
nearly 14 percent of U.S. society they make up.
RACISM AN INFLUENCE
But Deanne Bonner, clinical professor of social work at Boston University, said
the country's "history of racism" is a strong influence.
"There are many people who believe that capital punishment has replaced lynching
... the vast majority of those executed are African-American males," she said.
"It's not just racism but our failure to deal with the institutionalization of
racism," as seen in education and poverty, she said. "It leads to seeing people
who commit crimes as ... less human" and immigration history has also "left us
with a more fragmented sense of our common humanity."
Civil rights leader Jesse Jackson agrees, telling Reuters the U.S. system is
"stacked against people who are poor or black or brown ... Jesus was a victim of
capital punishment. A flawed system killed an innocent man. Let's make every
Christian think."
Rick Garnett of the University of Notre Dame Law School said the United States
has experienced more murders than other Western countries and "We simply don't
know what these other countries would have done had they experienced similar
murder rates -- and similarly media-sensationalized homicides."
"In many of these other countries the rejection of capital punishment has not
happened via democratic decision. That is, it is not clear that citizens in
other countries -- as opposed to other countries' governments -- have views on
capital punishment that depart all that radically from ours," he said.
The U.S. Roman Catholic bishops, leaders of the single largest faith in the
United States, have been on record against capital punishment for the past 25
years. They recently called it "deeply flawed" and something that has left the
United States "standing almost alone" among democratic and developed countries
in its regular use.
The biblical call of "eye for eye, tooth for tooth" should not be seen as a call
for capital punishment but an attempt to "limit the retribution that could be
exacted for an offense," the bishops said.
But historically churches have backed the right of the state to take a life in
the name of justice, notes Cardinal Avery Dulles, a Fordham University Jesuit
who agrees with the U.S. bishops' opposition to capital punishment.
"Many governments in Europe and elsewhere have eliminated the death penalty in
the 20th century, often against the protest of religious believers," he said in
a 2003 essay.
"While this change may be viewed as moral progress, it is probably due in part
to the evaporation of a sense of sin, guilt and retributive justice."
US
taste for executions fed by crime, R, 30.11.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/NewsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-11-30T191845Z_01_YUE069492_RTRUKOT_0_TEXT0.xml&related=true
Clemency Stops an Execution in Virginia
November 30, 2005
The New York Times
By DAVID STOUT
WASHINGTON, Nov. 29 - Gov. Mark Warner of
Virginia granted clemency Tuesday to a convicted killer, declaring that the loss
of a crucial piece of evidence had persuaded him that the man should not be put
to death as scheduled on Wednesday.
Mr. Warner's decision, in the case of Robin Lovitt, blocked what would have been
the 1,000th execution in the United States since the Supreme Court reinstated
capital punishment in 1976.
The case has been closely watched, because of the milestone Mr. Lovitt's
execution would have marked, because the former independent counsel Kenneth W.
Starr worked on Mr. Lovitt's behalf and because the case was viewed as having
possible political implications for Mr. Warner, a Democrat who is believed to be
weighing a run for the presidency in 2008.
"I believe clemency should only be exercised in the most extraordinary
circumstances," Mr. Warner said. "Among these are circumstances in which the
normal and honored processes of our judicial system do not provide adequate
relief - circumstances that, in fact, require executive intervention to reaffirm
public confidence in our justice system."
The improper discarding of evidence - the pair of scissors that Mr. Lovitt was
convicted of using to kill a pool hall manager in Arlington in 1998 - was just
such a circumstance, said Mr. Warner, who had never before granted clemency in
his four years in office, a period in which 11 men have been executed.
Mr. Warner said before the announcement Tuesday that he had agonized over the
Lovitt case like no other. "The commonwealth must ensure that every time this
ultimate sanction is carried out, it is done fairly," he said in his clemency
statement. "After a thorough review, it is my decision that Robin Lovitt should
spend the rest of his life in prison with no eligibility for parole."
Clemency was the last hope for Mr. Lovitt, 42, after the Supreme Court declined
on Oct. 3 to hear his latest appeal despite having granted a stay of execution
three months before.
The scissors were thrown out by a Virginia court clerk, after Mr. Lovitt's
conviction had been affirmed by the Virginia Supreme Court but before he filed a
federal court petition. Mr. Lovitt was accused of using them to pry open a cash
register drawer and to stab the pool hall manager, Clayton Dicks, who caught him
in the act.
The DNA testing available at the time showed the blood on the scissors to be
that of the victim but was inconclusive for the DNA of anyone else. Nor were Mr.
Lovitt's fingerprints on the scissors. His lawyers argued that a more modern
test of the scissors could show that he was innocent, and that losing the weapon
had resulted in "profound unfairness."
Mr. Starr also tried to persuade the Supreme Court that Mr. Lovitt's original
lawyer had failed to present evidence of severe childhood abuse by a stepfather.
"The jury cannot reliably impose the death sentence without considering the
petitioner's individual life history," Mr. Starr said in a brief.
Mr. Starr had sought to overturn a ruling last April by the United States Court
of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit, in Richmond, which concluded that the
conviction should stand, despite the discarding of the scissors.
The court noted that two witnesses testified they were almost certain Mr. Lovitt
was the man they saw stabbing and kicking; that Mr. Lovitt's cousin testified
that the defendant had showed up at the cousin's house in the middle of the
night with a cash drawer, and that a fellow inmate testified that Mr. Lovitt had
confided to killing Mr. Dicks.
Mr. Lovitt, who had previously worked at the pool hall, has said that he was in
the bathroom at the time of the killing, and that he took the cash drawer only
after finding Mr. Dicks already dead.
The Fourth Circuit held that Mr. Lovitt's trial lawyers had defended him
competently, and under difficult circumstances: had they chosen to have Mr.
Lovitt's relatives testify about his background they would have invited
cross-examination about the relatives' criminal records, and, most likely, Mr.
Lovitt's own convictions for assault, attempted robbery, larceny and other
crimes.
Mr. Warner, who made a fortune in the telecommunications industry, has been
mentioned as the kind of Democrat who could appeal to business-minded
conservatives, especially in the South, if he runs for president. Commuting the
death sentence of a convicted murderer could leave Mr. Warner open to being
attacked as soft on crime in a general election. But in Democratic primaries in
which Mr. Warner would probably be among the more conservative candidates,
granting clemency to Mr. Lovitt might be viewed as a plus by the party's
powerful liberal wing.
This year's Virginia governor's race may have provided evidence that the death
penalty has faded as an electoral issue. The race was won handily by Lt. Gov.
Tim Kaine, a Democrat who opposes capital punishment on religious grounds, even
though his opponent hammered him as soft on crime. Analysts believe the
popularity of Mr. Warner, prohibited by term limits from running again, helped
negate the attacks.
Clemency Stops an Execution in Virginia, NYT, 30.11.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/11/30/national/30execution.html
Milestone execution stopped
Tue Nov 29, 2005 6:35 PM ET
Reuters
By Andy Sullivan
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Virginia Gov. Mark
Warner on Tuesday halted the execution of a convicted murderer who would have
been the 1,000th person put to death in the United States since the Supreme
Court reinstated the death penalty in 1976.
Warner said he commuted Robin Lovitt's sentence to life in prison without parole
because a court clerk had destroyed evidence during the appeals process in
violation of state law.
Virginia "must ensure that every time this ultimate sanction is carried out it
is done fairly," Warner said in a statement.
Warner, a Democrat considering a run for the U.S. presidency in 2008, had denied
all 11 previous clemency petitions that came before him as governor. The death
penalty has proven a divisive issue in past presidential campaigns.
"No case has been more troubling," Warner told WTOP radio earlier on Tuesday.
"Rest assured there is no case I have spent more time thinking about, praying
about and reflecting on than this case."
Lovitt had been scheduled to die by lethal injection in a state prison on
Wednesday evening.
Since the Supreme Court reinstated the death penalty almost 30 years ago, 999
people have been executed in the United States, most recently earlier on Tuesday
in Ohio.
Lovitt's case has attracted worldwide attention. A Warner spokesman said the
governor had received roughly 1,500 phone calls, letters and e-mails from across
the United States and several foreign countries, almost all urging clemency.
Prominent conservatives have said the case could undermine public support for
the death penalty. Former special prosecutor Kenneth Starr, who investigated
then-President Bill Clinton's extramarital affair with Monica Lewinsky, argued
Lovitt's case at an appeals-court hearing in February.
POOL HALL MURDER
Lovitt was sentenced to death in 1999 for killing a night manager in a pool hall
the previous year. He claimed another man committed the murder and his lawyers
argued he could have proved his innocence if a pair of bloody scissors submitted
as evidence at his trial had not been illegally destroyed.
Since Lovitt will not be executed, Kenneth Boyd, scheduled to die early on
Friday in North Carolina and Shawn Humphries later on the same day in South
Carolina, could be the 1,000th and 1,001st executions since the end of what
amounted to a decade-long moratorium on executions by the states as the Supreme
Court wrestled with the issue.
One activist who had led efforts to protest the execution said he was relieved
by Warner's decision.
"We knew this execution shouldn't go ahead, but we knew clemency issues are
frequently dictated by politics," said Jack Payden-Travers of Virginians for
Alternatives to the Death Penalty.
The death penalty has loomed large for Democratic presidential candidates.
Massachusetts Gov. Michael Dukakis was widely criticized as "soft on crime" in
the 1988 election after he said during a debate that he would not support the
death penalty for someone who raped and murdered his wife.
Clinton interrupted his campaign in 1992 to oversee the execution of a mentally
retarded man in Arkansas, where he served as governor.
The death penalty also was a major issue in the recent election to succeed
Warner as Virginia governor. Democrat Tim Kaine won that race despite charges
from Republican opponent Jerry Kilgore that he would commute executions.
Milestone execution stopped, R, 29.11.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-11-29T233510Z_01_SPI983419_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-VIRGINIA-EXECUTION.xml
Virginia governor
weighs milestone
execution
Tue Nov 29, 2005 12:49 PM ET
Reuters
By Andy Sullivan
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Virginia Gov. Mark
Warner said on Tuesday he would announce soon whether he will stop the execution
of a convicted murderer who would be the 1,000th person put to death in the
United States since the Supreme Court reinstated the death penalty in 1976.
Robin Lovitt is scheduled to die by lethal injection in a state prison on
Wednesday evening. Warner is a Democrat considering a run for the presidency,
and facing an issue that has figured prominently in many past campaigns.
"No case has been more troubling," Warner said in an interview on radio station
WTOP. "I will have something to say about this case at the appropriate time."
"Rest assured there is no case I have spent more time thinking about, praying
about and reflecting on than this case," he added.
Warner declined to say when and where he would announce his decision.
On Tuesday, Ohio executed a man convicted of suffocating his 5-year-old
stepdaughter. Since the Supreme Court reinstated the death penalty in 1976 and
executions resumed in 1977, 999 people have been executed in the United States.
Lovitt would be the 1,000 defendant to die, unless Warner commutes his sentence
to life in prison.
Lovitt's case has attracted worldwide attention, and his legal team includes
former special prosecutor Kenneth Starr, who investigated then-President Bill
Clinton's extramarital affair with Monica Lewinsky.
Lovitt was sentenced to death in 1999 for killing a night manager in a pool hall
the previous year. He claims another man committed the murder and his lawyers
argued he could have proved his innocence if DNA evidence used at his trial had
not been illegally destroyed.
Warner singled out the destruction of the evidence as a significant factor.
"There is a series of issues around this case. Of particular significance is
prior to the full adjudication of the case, DNA evidence was destroyed," he
said.
Warner has denied each of the 11 previous clemency petitions that have come
before him as governor.
The death penalty has loomed large for Democratic presidential candidates.
Massachusetts Governor Michael Dukakis was widely criticized as "soft on crime"
in the 1988 election after he said during a debate that he would not support the
death penalty for someone who raped and murdered his wife.
Bill Clinton interrupted his campaign in 1992 to oversee the execution of a
mentally retarded man in Arkansas, where he served as governor.
The death penalty also was a major issue in the recent election to succeed
Warner in the Virginia governor's mansion. Democrat Tim Kaine won that race
despite charges from Republican Jerry Kilgore that he would commute executions.
If Lovitt is not executed, Kenneth Boyd, scheduled to die Friday in North
Carolina and Shawn Humphries on the same day in South Carolina, could be the
1,000th and 1,001st executions since the end of what amounted to a decade-long
moratorium on executions by the states as the Supreme Court wrestled with the
issue.
Virginia governor weighs milestone execution, R, 29.11.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=2005-11-29T174849Z_01_SIB962850_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-VIRGINIA.xml
Ohio execution is 999th since '76
Tue Nov 29, 2005 12:59 PM ET
Reuters
By Jim Lekrone
COLUMBUS, Ohio (Reuters) - A man who killed
his mother-in-law and 5-year-old stepdaughter after a cocaine binge 20 years ago
was executed by the state of Ohio on Tuesday, the 999th person put to death
since United States reinstated capital punishment in 1976.
John Hicks, 49, died at 10:20 a.m. EST (1520 GMT) after an injection of lethal
chemicals, officials at the Southern Ohio Correctional Facility in Lucasville
said.
Just before his execution, Hicks told those present he was sorry for the pain he
caused, saying he loved both of the people he killed and wished he could bring
them back.
"It began with a syringe in my arm," he said, "and today I have a needle in my
arm. I have come full circle and am at peace with it."
Hicks was sentenced to a jail term for killing his mother-in-law, Maxine
Armstrong, and ordered executed for killing his step-daughter, Brandy Green.
He confessed to the slayings a few days after the bodies were found in
Cincinnati, saying he tried to rob Armstrong because he needed more money for
drugs, and smothered the little girl as she slept because she had seen him
earlier and could identify him.
Hicks asked for clemency but Gov. Bob Taft said he had offered no reason to
justify it.
"There is overwhelming evidence of guilt in this case. ... (He) confessed to the
authorities on two separate occasions, and he fully admits he committed these
crimes," Taft said.
Hicks was the 18th person executed in Ohio since the state resumed capital
punishment in 1999.
Granted a special meal of his choice the evening before his execution, he asked
for two steaks, a baked potato, salad, bread, apple pie, a soft drink and potato
chips.
Ohio
execution is 999th since '76, R, 29.11.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-11-29T175840Z_01_SIB961108_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-EXECUTION-OHIO.xml
Top court rules
against Ohio death row
inmate
Mon Nov 28, 2005 6:21 PM ET
Reuters
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The U.S. Supreme Court
ruled on Monday that a lower court was wrong to overturn the murder conviction
and death sentence for a man who set a fire that killed a 2-year-old girl in
Ohio.
The justices set aside the ruling by a federal appeals court, which held that
Kenneth Richey's attorneys had been constitutionally deficient at his 1987 trial
and that the evidence of intent was insufficient to support a conviction.
In a six-page ruling, the justices ordered further proceedings before the
appeals court in the case involving Richey, who grew up in Scotland before
coming to the United States to live with his American father.
Prosecutors said Richey set fire in 1986 to the apartment of his neighbor in an
attempt to kill his ex-girlfriend and her new boyfriend, who were spending the
night together in the apartment below. They escaped unharmed, but the blaze
killed her 2-year-old daughter.
The Supreme Court said the Cincinnati-based appeals court in its decision in
January had misinterpreted state law in ruling for Richey on the question of
intent.
The justices also ruled for the state in holding that there must be further
review of Richey's claims of ineffective assistance of counsel at trial.
Top
court rules against Ohio death row inmate, R, 28.11.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/NewsArticle.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=2005-11-28T232055Z_01_SPI884039_RTRUKOT_0_TEXT0.xml&related=true
Arkansas man
executed after three late
stays
Mon Nov 28, 2005 11:57 PM ET
Reuters
LITTLE ROCK, Arkansas (Reuters) - An Arkansas
man convicted of murdering a teen-age girl in 1993 was executed on Monday, but
only after Associate Justice Clarence Thomas of the U.S. Supreme Court delayed
the lethal injection three times to consider last-minute appeals.
After dismissing arguments by defense attorneys that Eric Nance was mentally
handicapped and thus ineligible for capital punishment and that DNA analysis
could prove him innocent, Thomas allowed the execution to proceed at 9:24 p.m.
CST (10:24 p.m. EST/0324 GMT), almost 90 minutes after it was scheduled.
Vance declined to make a final statement before the lethal injection was
administered at a state prison in Arkansas. He was pronounced dead at 9:30 p.m.
CST by the Lincoln County, Arkansas, coroner.
Nance, 45, was convicted of kidnapping and capital murder and sentenced by a
jury to death for the slaying of Julie Heath, 18, whose throat was slashed with
a box cutter. A week after her disappearance, her body was found near Malvern,
Arkansas, about 45 miles southwest of Little Rock.
Nance's death brought to 998 the number of executions in the United States since
1976, when the Supreme Court authorized the resumption of capital punishment.
Condemned inmates in four other states are scheduled to die this week, virtually
ensuring that the number of executions carried out in the United States since
1976 will reach the one-thousand mark.
Several eleventh-hour appeals by Vance's attorneys were rejected by lower
courts, and Governor Mike Huckabee of Arkansas, a Republican, declined a
petition for executive clemency hours before the sentence was to be carried out.
"It brings closure that he is gone, but it will never bring back Julie - what
he's done to our family," said Belinda Crites, a cousin of Heath's, following
Nance's death.
At mid-afternoon, prison authorities served Vance his requested last meal of two
bacon cheeseburgers, French fries, two pints of chocolate chip cookie dough ice
cream and two cans of Coca-Cola.
Vance was the 27th person executed in Arkansas since 1976. Thirty-seven other
prisoners are on the state's Death Row, but no additional executions are
scheduled.
Arkansas man executed after three late stays, R, 28.11.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/NewsArticle.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=2005-11-29T045703Z_01_SPI917780_RTRUKOT_0_TEXT0.xml&related=true
Virginia death row inmate Robin Lovitt
is
seen in this undated booking photo.
The United States is scheduled this week to witness its 1,000th execution
since the Supreme Court reinstated the death penalty in 1976.
Lovitt, scheduled to be executed on Wednesday, could be the 1,000th.
REUTERS/Greensville Correctional Facility/Handout
US to hold 1,000th execution this week
R
28.11.2005
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID
=2005-11-28T182441Z_01_MOL865844_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-DEATH.xml
US to hold 1,000th execution this week
Mon Nov 28, 2005 1:18 PM ET
Reuters
By Alan Elsner
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The United States is
scheduled this week to witness its 1,000th execution since the Supreme Court
reinstated the death penalty in 1976, but even as it reaches this milestone
opponents said capital punishment may be falling out of favor.
Some 997 people have been put to death since the Supreme Court ended a 10-year
moratorium on capital punishment that ran from 1967-1977. With five people
scheduled for execution in five different states this week, it seems almost
certain that the landmark of 1,000 will be passed.
"This is a time for somber and sober reflection but the United States is slowly
turning away from the death penalty," said David Elliot of the National
Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty.
"Death sentences are down 50 percent since the late 1990s to around 150 a year.
Executions are down 40 percent from the high of 98 in 1999," he said.
The Supreme Court ruled earlier this year that crimes committed by juveniles
could not be punished by death. That resulted in 71 people being taken off death
row and followed another Supreme Court decision in 2002 declaring that it was
unconstitutional to execute criminals who are mentally retarded.
A Gallup poll last month showed 64 percent of Americans favored the death
penalty -- the lowest level in 27 years, down from a high of 80 percent in 1994.
"There's now considerable public skepticism about whether all those being
executed are really guilty and that has cast doubt on the whole system," said
Richard Dieter of the Death Penalty Information Center.
Texas, Virginia and Oklahoma account for more than half of the 997 executions
performed since 1977. Texas alone has carried out 355.
'MEDIA BIAS'
Death penalty proponents argue that biased media coverage has eroded support but
that Americans still fundamentally support capital punishment.
"Defense lawyers and appeals courts have made it so expensive and burdensome
that prosecutors think twice before filing," said Steven Stewart, prosecuting
attorney for Clark County, Indiana.
Republicans in the U.S. Congress are trying to pass legislation to speed up
executions, complaining that the time between conviction and execution, which
usually exceeds 10 years, is too long.
Stewart has tried four capital cases; twice the jury was hung during the penalty
phase, once the judge set aside the sentence and one sentence was overturned
during the lengthy appeals process. But Stewart remains committed to the idea of
capital punishment.
"There are some defendants who have earned the ultimate punishment our society
has to offer by committing murder with aggravating circumstances present," he
said. "I believe that life is sacred. It cheapens the life of an innocent murder
victim to say that society has no right to keep the murderer from ever killing
again."
Among the individuals facing execution this week are Eric Nance in Arkansas, who
was convicted of the 1993 murder of an 18-year-old woman, and John Hicks in
Ohio, who was convicted of suffocating his 5-year-old stepdaughter in 1985.
If both of these are executed, the 1,000th defendant to die could be Robin
Lovitt, scheduled to be executed in Virginia on Wednesday. His case has
attracted worldwide attention with several prominent conservatives, including
former special prosecutor Kenneth Starr who investigated then-President Bill
Clinton's extramarital affair with Monica Lewinsky, urging Gov. Mark Warner to
commute the sentence.
Lovitt was sentenced to death in 1999 for the murder of a night manager in a
pool hall the previous year. He claims another man committed the murder and his
lawyers argued he could have proved his innocence if DNA evidence used at his
trial had not been illegally destroyed.
Warner, a popular Democrat, is widely seen as a possible presidential candidate
in 2008 and his decision will be closely watched. He has denied each of the 11
previous clemency petitions that have come before him as governor.
If Lovitt is not executed, Kenneth Boyd, scheduled to die Friday in North
Carolina and Shawn Humphries on the same day in South Carolina, could be the
1,000th and 1,001st executions since the end of what amounted to a voluntary,
decade-long moratorium on executions by the states as the Supreme Court wrestled
with the issue.
US to
hold 1,000th execution this week, R, 28.11.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-11-28T181810Z_01_MOL865844_RTRUKOC_0_US-CRIME-DEATH.xml&archived=False
USA likely will execute
1,000th inmate
since '77
Posted 11/24/2005 9:09 PM
USA Today
NEW YORK (AP) — "Let's do it."
With those last words, convicted killer Gary
Gilmore ushered in the modern era of capital punishment in the United States, an
age of busy death chambers that will likely see its 1,000th execution in the
coming days.
After a 10-year moratorium, Gilmore in 1977 became the first person to be
executed following a 1976 U.S. Supreme Court decision that validated state laws
to reform the capital punishment system. Since then, 997 prisoners have been
executed, and next week, the 998th, 999th and 1,000th are scheduled to die.
Robin Lovitt, 41, will likely be the one to earn that macabre distinction next
Wednesday. He was convicted of fatally stabbing a man with scissors during a
1998 pool hall robbery in Virginia.
Ahead of Lovitt on death row are Eric Nance, scheduled to be executed Monday in
Arkansas, and John Hicks, scheduled to be executed Tuesday in Ohio. Both
executions appear likely to proceed.
Gilmore was executed before a Utah firing squad, after a record of petty crime,
killing of a motel manager and suicide attempts in prison. His life was the
basis for Norman Mailer's book The Executioner's Song and a TV miniseries.
While his case was well-known, most today could probably not name even one of
the more than 3,400 prisoners — including 118 foreign nationals — on death row
in the U.S. In the last 28 years, the U.S. has executed on average one person
every 10 days.
The focus of the debate on capital punishment was once the question of whether
it served as a deterrent to crime. Today, the argument is more on whether the
government can be trusted not to execute an innocent person.
Thomas Hill, an attorney for a death row inmate in Ohio who recently won a
second stay of execution, thinks the answer is obvious.
"We have a criminal system that makes mistakes. If you accept that proposition,
that means you have to be prepared for the inevitability that some are sentenced
to death for crimes they didn't commit," said Hill.
But advocates of the death penalty argue that its opponents are elitist liberals
who are ignoring the real victims.
"Since 1999 we've had 100,000 innocent people murdered in the U.S., but nobody
is planning on commemorating all those people killed," said Michael Paranzino,
president of Throw Away the Key, a group that supports the death penalty.
Race is also is a key question in the debate. Since 1976, 58% of those executed
in the U.S. were white while 34% were black, according to the Death Penalty
Information Center. But non-Latino whites make up 75% of the U.S. population,
while non-Latino blacks comprise just over 12%, according to the U.S. Census
Bureau.
Some supporters say ending the death penalty would be harmful to poor
minorities, who are disproportionately murder victims.
"Increasingly violent crime is primarily for the working class folks, poor
people and people of color," Paranzino said.
Opponents of capital punishment also point to the unfair role of class and race
in death penalty cases. "There is tremendous arbitrariness to the death penalty.
... the race of the victims has a lot to do with who winds up getting executed,"
said Barry Scheck, co-founder of the New York-based Innocence Project, a legal
clinic that seeks to exonerate inmates through DNA testing.
Death sentences nationwide have dropped by 50% since the late 1990s, with
executions carried out down by 40%, according to the Death Penalty Information
Center. Twelve states do not have the death penalty, and at least two states —
Illinois and New Jersey — have formal moratoriums on capital punishment,
according to the center.
An October Gallup poll showed 64% of Americans support use of the death penalty.
But that is the lowest level in 27 years, down from a high of 80% in 1994.
Still, some powerful political forces are looking to speed up the trying and
executing of prisoners. Both houses of the U.S. Congress are considering bills
that would lessen the ability of defendants in capital cases to appeal to
federal courts.
Proponents of the legislation say such appeals add up to 15 years to the process
of executing a prisoner. Detractors say the law will not allow federal courts to
review most cases and will result in innocent people being put to death.
Since 1973, 122 prisoners have been freed from death row. The vast majority of
those cases came during the last 15 years, since the use of DNA evidence became
widespread. While there is no official proof an innocent person has been
executed, opponents of the death penalty say the number of prisoners whose
convictions have been reversed should fuel skepticism.
"I don't think any rational person seriously examining the evidence can have any
confidence that an innocent hasn't already been executed," said Scheck.
Using post-conviction DNA evidence, the Innocence Project has helped in more
than half of the 163 cases vacated — 14 of which were from death row. "We've
demonstrated that there are too many innocent people on death row," Scheck said.
But that argument does not impress Charles Rosenthal, district attorney for
Harris County, Texas, which has sent more prisoners to the death chamber — 85 —
than any other U.S. county and all but two states, Texas and Virginia, according
to Texas Department of Criminal Justice statistics.
"I don't know about every death penalty case in Texas, but I feel quite sure
that no one that this office has had anything to do with was factually
innocent," Rosenthal said.
Scheck believes Rosenthal's claim is based "more on faith than fact." He noted
that the police DNA lab in Houston has been shut down since 2002 because an
investigation found problems with poor training and contaminated evidence.
"What kind of confidence can you have when the jurisdiction that executes more
people than any other is fraught with unreliable testing results?" Scheck said.
In at least two cases, questions are being raised about whether an innocent
person was put to death. In St. Louis, Larry Griffin was convicted for the 1980
fatal shooting of a 19-year-old drug dealer, Quintin Moss. He was executed in
1995. His conviction largely rested on the testimony of a career criminal who
was in the Federal Witness Protection Program. Now, a policeman whose testimony
backed up the criminal's story says the man was lying, and Moss' own family
thinks Griffin was innocent.
In Texas, the case of Ruben Cantu, who was executed in 1993, is receiving
attention. Cantu was convicted in 1985 of killing a man and wounding another
during a robbery attempt that happened the previous year, when he was 17. A
decade after his execution, however, the only witness in the case and Cantu's
co-defendant have both come forward to say he was innocent.
In St. Louis, City Circuit Attorney Jennifer Joyce has led a review of 1,400
cases to see if DNA evidence can prove the guilt or innocence of those
convicted. With only 12 cases left to review, evidence led to the exoneration of
just three men, none of whom were on death row.
"Most of the time there is testing, it confirms the guilt of the defendant,"
Joyce said.
Virginia Gov. Mark Warner is examining Lovitt's case, and could decide whether
or not to grant clemency over the weekend. It would be the only likely way
Lovitt could avoid execution. In October, the U.S. Supreme Court refused to
reconsider the case.
DNA tests on the scissors used in the stabbing were inconclusive, and the
scissors were later thrown away because of a lack of storage space. One of his
lawyers, former independent counsel Kenneth Starr, said though he supports the
death penalty in principle, it should not apply to Lovitt for reasons "including
above all right now the destruction of the DNA evidence."
USA
likely will execute 1,000th inmate since '77, UT, 24.11.2005,
http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2005-11-24-executions_x.htm
Death Row Inmate Captured in Louisiana
November 6, 2005
Filed at 11:49 p.m. ET
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
The New York Times
HOUSTON (AP) -- A death row inmate who slipped
out of a Texas jail last week wearing street clothes was captured Sunday as he
talked on a pay phone in Shreveport, La., about 200 miles away, authorities
said.
Charles Victor Thompson had a bicycle with him when Shreveport police, acting on
a tip, approached him around 8 p.m. Sunday, Harris County Sheriff's Lt. John
Martin said.
''He was standing in front of a liquor store and appeared to be intoxicated,''
Martin said.
When the officers asked his name, he said ''You know who I am,'' then he
identified himself as Charles Thompson, Martin said.
Martin wouldn't discuss the tip that lead to Thompson's arrest and said
authorities were still trying to determine exactly how Thompson got from Houston
to Louisiana and if he had help in his escape. A $10,000 reward had been offered
for information leading to his capture.
Thompson, 35, is scheduled to be in court Monday in Shreveport, and if he waives
extradition, he will be returned to Texas immediately, Martin said.
Thompson was convicted in 1999 for the shooting deaths a year earlier of his
ex-girlfriend, Dennise Hayslip and her new boyfriend, Darren Keith Cain. An
appeals court threw out his sentence, but on Oct. 28, another jury sentenced him
to death.
On Thursday, Thompson was in the Harris County Jail awaiting transfer to a state
prison when he was taken to a room for a meeting with an attorney, though not
his attorney of record, authorities said.
After the attorney left, Thompson was alone. Somehow, he removed his handcuffs,
changed out of his bright orange prison jumpsuit into the clothes he wore during
his sentencing, and got out of the prisoner's booth in the visiting room,
authorities said.
Using a falsified ID badge, he got past at least four jail employees and walked
out of the building.
Martin had said Friday that Thompson's escape resulted from ''multiple errors''
by jail personnel. He said the attorney who had met with Thompson was not
believed to have been involved in the escape.
The escape frightened his victim's relatives, who were notified by authorities
and given police protection. Prosecutors had earlier accused Thompson of trying
to hire hit men to kill witnesses against him, as well as members of Hayslip's
family.
Hayslip's mother, Wynona Donaghy, said Sunday night that she was extremely
relieved after hearing of the arrest and finally felt safe returning to her home
again.
Death
Row Inmate Captured in Louisiana, NYT, 6.11.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/national/AP-Death-Row-Escape.html
Texas Death Row Inmate
Escapes From Jail
November 4, 2005
Filed at 7:26 a.m. ET
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
The New York Times
HOUSTON (AP) -- A death row inmate escaped
from a county jail after he obtained civilian clothing and a fake ID badge,
authorities said.
Charles Victor Thompson, 35, of Tomball, was being held Thursday in the Harris
County Jail after he was resentenced last week in the 1998 shooting deaths of
his ex-girlfriend and her boyfriend.
''He had changed out of the orange jumpsuit that inmates ordinarily wear,''
Harris County sheriff's Lt. John Martin said in the online edition of the
Houston Chronicle. ''He may have been taken out of the cell block and put in the
attorney booth in the guise of having an attorney visit.''
Thompson had an ID card suggesting he worked for the Texas Attorney General's
office.
''It was convincing enough that the deputy let him out of the facility,'' Martin
said.
Thompson remained at large Friday and investigators were questioning jail
employees.
Thompson was to be returned to the state prison system within 45 days, according
to Department of Criminal Justice spokeswoman Michelle Lyons.
The Texas Court of Criminal Appeals had ordered the new sentencing hearing. A
new jury sentenced Thompson Oct. 28 to death.
Texas
Death Row Inmate Escapes From Jail, NYT, 4.11.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/national/AP-Convicted-Killer-Escape.html
Los Angeles dispatch
Judgment day
Only Arnold Schwarzenegger can now stop
the
execution of a repentant prisoner
who has served 24 years in jail, writes Dan
Glaister
Friday October 28, 2005
Guardian Unlimited
Dan Glaister
Another week, another challenge for California
governor Arnold Schwarzenegger - but the latest challenge, unlike his declining
poll ratings and his support for imperilled ballot propositions, is more
serious: this one involves death and darkness in the sunny, liberal state of
California.
Should he accept this challenge the film star,
who was elected a politician on the promise of making a difference, has an
opportunity to deliver on his pledge; should he fail California will have taken
a further step towards permanently forfeiting its place among the 12 civilised
states of the union that do not have the death penalty.
For the third time since he became governor a year ago, Schwarzenegger will
consider a request for clemency from a prisoner facing execution.
The last time clemency was granted to a murderer in California was by that other
Hollywood Republican Governor Ronald Reagan in 1967. But this is a case like no
other: it has a gangster-turned-educator, a 51-year-old man who has already
served 24 years in prison; it involves a flawed trial and a questionable
conviction; the man behind bars has been nominated for Nobel prizes and is the
subject of a Hollywood movie; and he also recently received a commendation from
President Bush.
That the case of Stanley "Tookie" Williams has come to Governor Schwarzenegger's
desk is the result of one of the first acts of the US supreme court under Chief
Justice John Roberts. In mid-October, the court refused to consider an appeal
from Williams against his death sentence for the 1981 murder of a convenience
store worker. He was also convicted of the murders of three other people.
This week, a judge set December 13 as the date for Williams' execution, at San
Quentin prison. The California superior court judge, William Pounders, was
perhaps trying to sound humane when explaining his decision to proceed
immediately to an execution date, but he only succeeded in sounding macabre.
"This case has taken over 24 years to get to this point," he noted. "That is a
long delay in itself, and I would hate to add to that delay."
The timing gives Williams' lawyers until November 8 - coincidentally, the day of
voting on the ballot propositions - to submit a request for clemency to
Schwarzenegger.
Williams' case is an unusual one: in 1971, at the age of 17, Williams co-founded
the Crips gang in Los Angeles, a fraternity that, together with its rivals the
Bloods, now boasts 150,000 members in LA and outposts as far afield as South
Africa.
At his trial, Williams was found guilty of the "execution-style" murder of a
worker at a 7-Eleven convenience store in February 1979 and of the owners of an
LA motel and their daughter two weeks later.
He has always maintained his innocence, arguing that the physical evidence found
at the scene could not be connected to him and that the prosecution relied on
the testimony of police informers whose credibility was questionable.
The conduct of the trial itself raised other questions: the prosecution
successfully argued for the removal of African-American jurors, meaning that
Williams - who is African-American - was not tried by a jury of his peers.
And in his closing arguments, the prosecutor compared Williams to a Bengal tiger
in a zoo, likening the black community of South Central Los Angeles to the
natural habitat of a Bengal tiger. Williams received the death sentence.
In jail, however, something happened: in a classic tale of redemption, Williams
saw the error of his ways and started to work to stop others following him. "I
no longer participate in the so-called gangster lifestyle, and I deeply regret
that I ever did," he wrote in 1997. "I vow to spend the rest of my life working
toward solutions."
He co-wrote a series of lauded children's books entitled Tookie Speaks Out
Against Gang Violence. He mentored and counselled young gang members and
troubled youths from his prison cell. He drew up and has promoted a Protocol for
Peace, a formula to help gangs reach a truce, based on the coexistence of gangs
inside prisons. It has been successfully implemented in New Jersey.
His work - and his plight - started to be recognised. He was nominated (five
times) for the Nobel peace prize and even for the Nobel prize for literature. A
TV movie titled Redemption - based on Williams' own memoir - was made, with
Jamie Foxx playing Williams.
In August this year he received a President's Call to Service award commending
his work on death row, complete with a letter from President Bush praising him
for demonstrating the "outstanding character of America". The White House,
apparently, had no idea who he was.
And then came the supreme court decision, one of three this month that have
raised the possibility of a series of executions in California in the months to
come.
Earlier this year, after Governor Schwarzenegger rejected his plea for clemency,
Donald Jay Beardslee was executed by the state of California. He was the first
prisoner to be killed since 2002 and the 11th since California re-enacted the
death penalty in 1977. "This is a big sea change for California," says Lance
Lindsey, executive director of Death Penalty Focus. "It's coming to look a lot
more like Texas, with regular executions."
Lindsey hopes Schwarzenegger will live up to his rhetoric. "We're encouraged,"
he says. "Governor Schwarzenegger was the one who said he wanted the criminal
justice system to focus on rehabilitation. This is a classic case for clemency.
It's what it was designed for: to recognise extra-legally that someone has
turned their life around, has shown remorse, has given back."
The American Civil Liberties Union has taken up Williams' cause, as have others.
And there are hopes that Governor Schwarzenegger may see a hint in the words of
a judge on the ninth US circuit court of appeals who in 2002 ruled against
Williams' appeal. At that time, Judge Proctor Hug said: "We are aware of
Williams' laudable efforts opposing gang violence from his prison cell ... [but]
they are not matters that we in the federal judiciary are at liberty to take
into consideration."
For Williams' supporters, these words suggest that the governor, the only person
who can take such matters into consideration, should do so. Should he choose not
to, California will have killed another person.
Judgment day > Only Arnold Schwarzenegger can now stop the execution of a
repentant prisoner who has served 24 years in jail, writes Dan Glaister, G,
28.10.2005,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/elsewhere/journalist/story/0,7792,1602823,00.html
Bill Would Allow Second Attempts
at Federal
Death Sentence
Published: October 26, 2005
The New York Times
By ADAM LIPTAK
If all 12 members of a jury in a capital case
in federal court cannot agree on whether to impose the death penalty, a
convicted defendant is automatically sentenced to life in prison.
But that may be about to change. A little-noticed provision in the House bill
that reauthorized the antiterrorism law known as the USA Patriot Act would allow
federal prosecutors further attempts at a death sentence if a capital jury
deadlocks on the punishment. So long as at least one juror voted for death,
prosecutors could empanel a new sentencing jury and argue again that execution
was warranted.
The Senate bill does not contain the provision, and representatives of both
chambers will soon meet to discuss the differences between the two measures and
potential compromises.
Sentencing deadlocks in federal capital trials are not unusual. In a federal
terrorism trial in New York in 2001, for instance, the government sought the
death penalty against two operatives of Al Qaeda for their roles in the deadly
bombings of two American embassies in East Africa in 1998. The jury deadlocked 9
to 3 in favor of death in both cases, interviews conducted by The New York Times
later revealed.
Mary Jo White, who was the United States attorney in Manhattan at the time, said
the experience was frustrating. "I respectfully disagreed with that jury," she
said.
But Ms. White said she opposed the provision in the House bill.
"I don't think the government should have two bites at that apple," said Ms.
White, who is now in private practice at Debevoise & Plimpton. "There's
something untoward about giving the impression that you're jury shopping for the
death penalty."
California and a handful of other states already allow new capital sentencing
hearings.
The federal government should follow suit, said Michael Rushford, the president
of the Criminal Justice Legal Foundation, which supports the rights of crime
victims.
"You can have a jury of 12 and have one juror overrule the other 11 in the
sentencing phase of a capital case," Mr. Rushford said. "You're not really
allowing the process to go through."
Jesselyn McCurdy, legislative counsel at the American Civil Liberties Union,
disagreed. "If there is one person who has a doubt about whether someone should
be put to death," she said, "that should be doubt enough."
The jury provision is probably constitutional, people on both sides of the death
penalty debate said. "It's one of the many situations where the Supreme Court
leaves us to our folly," said David I. Bruck, a lawyer with the Federal Death
Penalty Resource Counsel Project, a group that assists lawyers defending federal
capital cases.
The provision was introduced as part of an amendment to the bill in July by
Representative John Carter, Republican of Texas. Mr. Carter, a former Texas
trial judge, called it a "common-sense clarification to the federal death
penalty" and said it was supported by the Justice Department.
Federal prosecutors have obtained relatively few death sentences in recent
cases. In the past year, according to statistics compiled by the counsel
project, 5 of the 22 juries that heard federal capital cases imposed death
sentences. During John Ashcroft's term as attorney general, from 2001 to 2005,
18 of the 63 juries that heard capital cases imposed death sentences.
Though the number of federal crimes eligible for the death penalty continues to
rise, the federal government prosecutes relatively few capital cases. There have
been three executions in the federal system since 1988, when the first modern
federal death penalty law was enacted. There were almost 900 executions in the
states in the same period.
Mr. Ashcroft was a proponent of the aggressive use of the federal death penalty
law, sometimes overriding the recommendations of local prosecutors. Attorney
General Alberto R. Gonzales's approach in this area is less clear, legal experts
said. None of the cases in which he has authorized capital charges have reached
trial, they said.
State prosecutors said the federal jury provision could start a welcome trend.
"It sounds pretty even-handed," said Joshua Marquis, the district attorney in
Clatsop County, Ore. Just as juries must generally reach unanimous verdicts for
conviction or acquittal, he said, they should be required to reach a unanimous
decision on life or death.
Franklin E. Zimring, a law professor at the University of California, Berkeley,
disagreed.
"It's not supposed to be a level playing field," he said. "It's supposed to be a
penalty available when nothing else will do."
Jennifer Daskal, a lawyer with Human Rights Watch in Washington, said the
requirement that jurors in capital cases be open to imposing the death penalty
already favored prosecutors. The possibility of repeated attempts to obtain
death sentences from such "death qualified" juries, she said, would only
heighten the advantages prosecutors have.
Mr. Bruck said the provision in the House bill, if it became law, could embolden
prosecutors to keep trying until they found a jury willing to sentence the
defendant to death.
"Flip a coin enough times," he said, "and it will land on its edge once."
Bill
Would Allow Second Attempts at Federal Death Sentence, NYT, 26.10.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/10/26/national/26sentence.html
US court denies appeal
by Calif. death row
inmate
Tue Oct 11, 2005 11:04 AM ET
Reuters
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The U.S. Supreme Court
declined on Tuesday to review the case of a California death-row inmate whose
attorneys argued that the prosecutor had engaged in racial discrimination in
selecting the jury for his trial.
Without comment or recorded dissent, the justices denied the appeal of Stanley
"Tookie" Williams, the black founder of the Crips gang in Los Angeles who was
convicted on four counts of robbery-murder arising from two separate incidents
in 1979.
An all-white jury convicted Williams in 1981 and imposed the death penalty. In
one incident, Williams was convicted of killing a white convenience store clerk
while in the other one he was convicted of killing three Asian-American members
of a family that owned a hotel in Los Angeles.
Attorneys for Williams argued that the prosecutor deliberately removed all
potential jurors who were black. But a U.S. appeals court in California has
rejected his appeal, and he asked the Supreme Court to review his case in a
request supported by civil rights and other groups.
While in prison, Williams has renounced his gang past and has written a series
of books urging youth not to get involved with gangs. He has always maintained
that he is innocent.
US
court denies appeal by Calif. death row inmate, R, 11.10.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=2005-10-11T150409Z_01_SCH154176_RTRUKOC_0_US-USA-COURT-EXECUTION.xml
Related >
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stanley_Williams ,
http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=4576894 ,
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0388367/ ,
http://www.nodeathpenalty.org/currentna/03_TookieWilliams.html
Justices Refuse
to Hear Case of Condemned
Virginia Man
October 4, 2005
The New York Times
By LINDA GREENHOUSE
WASHINGTON, Oct. 3 - Three months ago, the
Supreme Court granted a last-minute stay of execution to a Virginia inmate who
argued that the state's loss of crucial evidence had deprived him of the right
to prove, by DNA testing, his innocence of the murder for which he was sentenced
to death in 1999.
The purpose of the stay, granted less than five hours before the scheduled
execution, was to permit lawyers for the condemned man, Robin Lovitt, to file a
full-scale Supreme Court appeal.
On Monday, the first day of its new term, the court rejected that appeal without
comment.
The stay of execution will now automatically dissolve, leaving a grant of
clemency by Virginia's governor, Mark Warner, the only way for Mr. Lovitt, 41,
to avoid execution.
The court's action, in which Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. did not
participate, runs counter to the impression created by several recent death
penalty rulings that the Supreme Court is becoming more receptive to arguments
raised on behalf of death row inmates.
Mr. Lovitt's appeal, filed by Kenneth W. Starr, the former solicitor general and
independent counsel, contained 10 references to the most recent such ruling,
Rompilla v. Beard, which the court issued in June.
In that case, the justices overturned a death sentence after concluding that the
defendant's lawyer, in failing to search his background for facts that might
persuade a jury to spare his life, had fallen below minimum constitutional
standards for legal representation.
One argument in the case on Monday, Lovitt v. True, No. 05-5044, was that Mr.
Lovitt's original defense lawyer had failed to present evidence of childhood
abuse at the hands of a stepfather who gave the boy alcohol and narcotics before
he was 10.
"By now, there can be no question," Mr. Starr asserted in Mr. Lovitt's Supreme
Court brief. "Any competent counsel must conduct a thorough investigation of the
defendant's background because the jury cannot reliably impose the death
sentence without considering the petitioner's individual life history."
The brief added, "But that is not the law of the land as applied in the Fourth
Circuit."
In April, the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit in Richmond
rejected Mr. Lovitt's petition for a writ of habeas corpus.
The other principal argument in the case concerned the destruction of evidence
by a Virginia court clerk, after Mr. Lovitt's conviction had become final in
state court but before he had filed a federal court petition.
The evidence was a pair of scissors that had been used in the fatal stabbing of
the manager of a pool hall in Arlington, Va., during a robbery there.
The prosecution's theory was that Mr. Lovitt had used the scissors to pry open
the cash register drawer and to stab the manager, Clayton Dicks, who caught him
in the act. Mr. Lovitt's fingerprints were not on the scissors. DNA testing at
the time showed the blood on the scissors to be that of the victim. The testing
was inconclusive for the DNA of anyone else.
Mr. Lovitt's lawyers wanted a new, more modern test that they said would exclude
him, and the appeal argued that discarding the scissors had resulted in
"profound unfairness."
The brief said: "The commonwealth's wanton conduct has forever deprived Lovitt
of a right, safeguarded under Virginia law, to test DNA evidence that had the
potential to establish that he was wrongfully convicted."
Ordinarily, courts require a showing of bad faith before hearing an appeal based
on loss of evidence by the officials responsible for maintaining it. There was
no such showing in this case.
Just as the Supreme Court did not explain, on July 11, its reasons for granting
a stay of execution, the court gave no reason on Monday for rejecting the
appeal.
For the new term, the court has accepted five cases that deal with death penalty
issues. One, House v. Bell, No. 04-8990, presents the question of what standard
a death row inmate must meet for a federal court to hear a claim of innocence
based on new DNA evidence. That case will be argued in January.
The Lovitt appeal was one of hundreds of cases the court turned down on Monday
as it began the new term. Because Chief Justice Roberts had not yet been
confirmed when the justices held their conference on these cases a week ago, he
was listed as not having participated in any of the actions.
Justices Refuse to Hear Case of Condemned Virginia Man, NYT, 4.10.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/10/04/politics/politicsspecial1/04scotus.html
Indiana executes killer
who was on prison
furlough
Wed Sep 28, 2005 3:01 AM ET
Reuters
By Karen Murphy
MICHIGAN CITY, Indiana (Reuters) - The state
of Indiana on Wednesday executed a man who bludgeoned his ex-wife to death while
on temporary furlough from prison, where he was serving a sentence for nearly
killing her.
Officials at the Indiana State Prison said Alan Matheney, 54, was pronounced
dead at 1:27 a.m. EDT (0527 GMT) after an injection of lethal chemicals.
"I love my family and my children. I'm sorry for the pain I've caused them. I
thank my friends who stood by me ... I'm sure my grandchildren will grow up
happy and healthy in the care of their wonderful parents," Matheney said in a
final statement read by his lawyer, Steven Schutte.
For his last meal he had chicken wings, a fried chicken dinner, large wedges of
potatoes, corn on the cob, biscuits and a chocolate shake.
Given an eight-hour furlough from an Indianapolis prison in 1989, Matheney drove
to the northern Indiana home of his ex-wife, Lisa Bianco, broke in, chased her
down in the street and beat her with the butt of a stolen shotgun until the
weapon broke into pieces.
Pieces of wood were found embedded in Bianco's skull.
The murder led then-Gov. Evan Bayh to suspend prisoner furloughs and fire two
prison employees who neglected to inform Bianco that Matheney was temporarily
free. Furloughs were designed to reward good behavior and aid inmates'
readjustment to society.
At the time of the murder, Matheney was serving an eight-year sentence for a
1987 assault in which he raped and beat Bianco. A month after the couple's 1985
divorce, he had kidnapped their two daughters.
When he was furloughed, Matheney's mother picked him up for what was supposed to
be a day together in Indianapolis, near the prison. But he commandeered the car
and stole a friend's unloaded shotgun, searching in vain for ammunition.
Bianco was coming out of the shower when Matheney broke in and she was wearing
underwear and a towel when he caught up with her as she reached a neighbor's
door. One of their daughters witnessed her mother being beaten to death.
Bianco had been working at a shelter for battered women.
At his murder trial and in subsequent appeals, Matheney's attorneys said he was
delusional, thinking Bianco was having an affair with a local prosecutor and
that the two were conspiring to keep him in prison. A jury rejected Matheney's
insanity defense.
He was the 41st person put to death this year in the United States, and the
985th since capital punishment was restored in 1976. It was Indiana's fifth
execution this year, the most since 1938 when the state put eight people to
death.
Indiana executes killer who was on prison furlough, R, 28.9.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2005-09-28T070144Z_01_MOL825272_RTRUKOC_0_US-EXECUTION-INDIANA.xml
Texas Gov. Rick
Perry
granted a rare stay of execution
to a Houston woman just hours before
she was scheduled to die on December 1, 2004
by lethal injection
for the 1987
murder of her husband and two children.
Frances Newton has protested her innocence
since she was charged in the shooting
deaths
of her husband Adrian, 23, son Alton, 7, and daughter Farrah, 21 months,
in what
prosecutors said was
an attempt to collect $100,000 from life insurance policies on her family.
Newton is seen in this undated prison photo.
Photo by TDCJ/Reuters.
Governor Stays Texas Woman's Wednesday Execution
R Wed Dec 1 2004 06:35 PM ET.
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml;jsessionid=
L0RJGJTLY4NXKCRBAEKSFFA?type=domesticNews&storyID=6971566
http://www.amarillo.com/images/031805/30293_512.jpg
photo added 10.9.2005
http://www.freefrances.org/
http://www.iacenter.org/francesnewtoncampaign.shtml
http://www.texasmoratorium.org/
http://www.indybay.org/archives/archive_by_id.php?id=3563&category_id=13
http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGAMR511322005
http://www.amnesty.ie/user/content/view/full/4370/
http://www.austinchronicle.com/issues/dispatch/2005-09-09/pols_feature3.html
http://www.indybay.org/archives/archive_by_id.php?id=3563&category_id=13
http://www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,12271,1556667,00.html
http://www.cnn.com/2005/LAW/08/25/female.execution.ap/
http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,1364104,00.html
http://hosted.ap.org/dynamic/stories/T/TX_FEMALE_EXECUTION_TXOL-?
SITE=TXODE&SECTION=HOME&TEMPLATE=DEFAULT
http://www.demaction.org/dia/organizations/ncadp/news.jsp?key=936&t=
http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/ssistory.mpl/special/crimelab/3057952
http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/ssistory.mpl/metropolitan/casey/2929494
http://www.oag.state.tx.us/oagnews/release.php?id=697
http://www.cnn.com/2004/LAW/12/01/female.execution/
http://hrw.org/english/docs/2004/11/29/usdom9736.htm
http://www.aclu.org/DeathPenalty/DeathPenalty.cfm?ID=17057&c=192
Iva Jewel Nelms and Bee Henry Nelms Jr.,
Frances Newton's parents,
wipe away tears after witnessing the death of their daughter in Huntsville.
Newton was convicted of killing her husband and children.
AP
Newton is executed for slaying her family :
She is the first black woman put to death in Texas since Civil War
HC, Sept. 15, 2005, 6:04 AM,
http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/printstory.mpl/front/3354665
Newton is executed for slaying her family
She is the first black woman
put to death
in Texas since Civil War
Sept. 15, 2005, 6:04 AM
The Houston Chronicle
By ALLAN TURNER and CYNTHIA LEONOR GARZA
HUNTSVILLE - Frances Newton, convicted of
killing her husband and two children to gain $100,000 in insurance benefits, was
executed Wednesday as dozens of death house protesters fervently prayed for her
deliverance and chanted their opposition to the state's death penalty.
After weeks of intense legal wrangling, Newton's execution went ahead after the
U.S. Supreme Court and Gov. Rick Perry refused to intervene. She was the 349th
killer put to death in Texas since executions were resumed in 1982, and the
first black woman executed in Texas since the Civil War.
Sentenced to die for the 1987 murders of her husband, Adrian, 23, and the
couple's children, Alton, 7, and Farrah, 21 months, Newton offered no final
statement. Seemingly nervous, she stared blankly at the ceiling, then turned
toward the witness rooms to mouth inaudible words.
In the witness room reserved for her relatives, Newton's sister, Pamela Nelms,
cradled her head in her arms, which she had thrust against a rear wall. In the
room occupied by her husband's family, a cousin, Tamika Craft-Demming, began to
weep when it became apparent the drugs had been administered.
"It's OK. It's over with now," another relative whispered, placing an arm around
her shoulder. "Eighteen years. It's over with now."
As Craft-Demming's weeping grew into sobs, the relative whispered, "Pray, pray,
pray. Just pray."
"Jesus," Craft-Demming began before her voice dissolved into weeping. "Those
poor babies."
Protesters call it murder
Later at a news conference, Craft-Demming
said, "I had a rough go in that room, but not one tear was for Frances. They
were for the kids."
Craft-Demming described Newton as a "mean and
evil-spirited person. ... None of these things have been talked about."
Craft-Demming said that without a confession, Newton's death did not constitute
justice. A confession, she said, "would have put to rest the lies told about our
family."
Outside, protesters, most of whom arrived an hour before the execution, chanted
"Frances! Frances! Frances!" for several minutes as the execution was set to
begin. They said she was "murdered" or "lynched" because she was poor and black.
Protesters repeatedly chanted, "What do we want? Justice! When do we want it?
Now!" Some sang Amazing Grace .
Newton's supporters said that the grass-roots focus on helping the Hurricane
Katrina victims hindered the Free Frances movement and contributed to the low
turnout for protesters. About 75 protesters appeared — a fraction of the
hundreds who turned out at Karla Faye Tucker's execution in 1998.
Tucker, a pickax killer, was the first woman executed in Texas since executions
were reinstated.
"I pray that God will forgive us for not being organized to help our sister
Frances," said Houston activist Quanell X.
As the execution took place, protesters hoisted an effigy of Newton — a stuffed
orange jumpsuit with a painted face — from a rope.
Always claimed innocence
Newton, 40, consistently proclaimed her
innocence, contending her family was killed by drug dealers to whom her husband
owed money. Adrian Newton, she has said, used and sold drugs, and often was in
fear of his suppliers.
For death penalty opponents, Newton's case
seemed to embody everything they found wrong with capital punishment. In her
initial trial, she was represented by an attorney who acknowledged he had done
little to research the case and later was suspended by the State Bar of Texas.
When Newton received a stay to, in part, retest incriminating stains on the
dress she wore the night of the killings, defense attorneys were stunned to
learn earlier testing had destroyed the evidence.
Although defense attorneys crafted appeals based on claims that two, possibly
three, pistols were seized as evidence — calling into question assertions that a
gun Newton admitted hiding had been the murder weapon — their efforts got
nowhere.
Assistant District Attorney Roe Wilson repeatedly insisted that only one pistol
had been recovered, and recanted as a slip of the tongue a videotaped statement
in which she had confirmed a second gun's existence.
Newton's supporters warned that executing a possibly innocent woman risked
drawing the wrath of God.
Even the parents of Newton's dead husband, Tom and Virginia Louis, were
marshaled to plead with the pardons board.
"All my prayers and hopes are that she won't get executed," Virginia Louis said
Wednesday in a telephone interview.
But in the end, efforts in and out of court accomplished little.
The Texas Court of Criminal Appeals found that defense attorney Ron Mock had
provided adequate representation and that the defense's multiple-gun theory was
just a previously weighed and rejected argument in new clothes.
Her final hours
In the past week, petitions on Newton's behalf
were rejected by the appeals court, the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals and
the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles.
On Tuesday, Newton was escorted from the
women's death row at Gatesville to the Goree Unit in Huntsville. By early
afternoon, she was at the Walls Unit, home of the state's death house. Perry
rejected Newton's petition for a 30-day stay at 5:50 p.m. The poisons were
administered at 6:09 p.m.
Newton was declared dead eight minutes later.
Newton is executed for slaying her family : She is the first black woman put to
death in Texas since Civil War, HC, Sept. 15, 2005, 6:04 AM,
http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/printstory.mpl/front/3354665
allan.turner@chron.com
cynthia.garza@chron.com
Frances Newton
in an undated photo
with her
husband, Adrian,
and her son, Alton.
Family photo.
Newton is executed for slaying her family:
She
is the first black woman put to death in Texas since Civil War
HC, Sept. 15, 2005 6:04 AM
http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/printstory.mpl/front/3354665
Texas executes black woman
for murdering
family
Wed Sep 14, 2005 8:41 PM ET
Reuters
By Mark Babineck
HOUSTON, Sept 14 (Reuters) - A woman convicted
of killing her family became the first black female on Wednesday to be executed
in Texas since before the U.S. Civil War after last-minute legal and political
pleas to save her failed.
Frances Newton, 40, died by lethal injection for the April 1987 shooting deaths
of her husband and two children. Prosecutors said the motive was $100,000 in
life insurance but Newton blamed the killings on an unknown drug dealer.
The main evidence against Newton was repeated ballistics testing of a pistol she
hid under a house that showed the gun was used to kill her family. Gunpowder
residue was also found on her skirt.
Newton's lawyers disputed the gunpowder tests, saying the residue also could
have come from common garden fertilizer. They also claimed police found another
weapon in the abandoned house, clouding whether the one she hid was the murder
weapon.
Prosecutors say there was only one gun.
The lawyers also blamed her former court-appointed attorney, saying he conducted
no investigation, had little contact with her and had not subpoenaed any
witnesses for the defense by the time her trial began.
Newton was the 13th person executed in Texas this year. She declined to make a
final statement or a last meal request. The state has nine more executions
scheduled so far for 2005, including six in November.
NO MORE REPRIEVES
Texas Gov. Rick Perry, a Republican, granted Newton a rare reprieve two hours
before her last execution date in December so more investigation could be
conducted, but the evidence was determined to be sound and the courts declined
to intervene.
The U.S. Supreme Court denied two late appeals on Wednesday, clearing the way
for the lethal injection.
The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, Amnesty
International and several local black leaders appealed for the Houston woman to
be spared. The execution drew a larger-than-usual gathering of protesters
outside the death house in Huntsville, Texas.
Newton is the fifth woman known to have been executed in Texas. A black slave
named Lucy is thought to have been the first in 1858. Two female murderers, both
white, have been put to death since Texas resumed executions in 1982 after a
brief national ban on capital punishment imposed by the U.S. Supreme Court.
"For a long time I believed in the death penalty. But now I know that the system
can't be trusted to be right. I've been wrongly accused, wrongly convicted,"
Newton told the Houston Chronicle in an interview.
Texas
executes black woman for murdering family, R, 14.9.2005,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticleSearch.aspx?storyID=18788+15-Sep-2005+RTRS&srch=frances+newton
Newton executed for 1987 slayings
Sept. 14, 2005, 8:46PM
Associated Press
Associated Press file
Frances Newton has been on death row since she
was convicted of killing her husband and two children in 1987.
HUNTSVILLE — Frances Newton was executed today for the fatal shootings of her
husband and two children 18 years ago, becoming the third woman, and first black
woman, to be put to death in the state since executions resumed in 1982.
Strapped to the death chamber gurney and with her parents among the people
watching, she declined to make a final statement, quietly saying "no" and
shaking her head when the warden asked if she would like to speak.
Newton, 40, briefly turned her head to make eye contact with her family as the
drugs began flowing. She appeared to attempt to mouth something to her
relatives, but the drugs took effect. She coughed once and gasped as her eyes
closed and her mouth remained slightly open. Eight minutes later at 6:17 p.m.
CDT, she was pronounced dead.
One of her sisters stood flat against a wall at the rear of the death house, her
arms raised against the wall and her head buried in her arms, refusing to watch.
Her parents held hands and her mother brushed away a tear before they walked to
the back of the chamber to console their other daughter.
About 50 demonstrators chanted outside but the crowd paled in comparison to the
group of hundreds that assembled in 1998 to protest the execution of Karla Faye
Tucker, who was the first woman executed in Texas since the Civil War.
"She's back with her family, in her mind," said John LaGrappe, one of her
attorneys, who met with Newton less than two hours before she was executed and
described her as "strong and optimistic."
"It's her faith in God," LaGrappe said.
He characterized her as the victim of a set of statutes that denied her access
to the Supreme Court and blamed state-appointed lawyers early in her appeals
process for missing deadlines that barred Newton from raising legal claims.
"It's a sad statement about the judicial process," he said. "To me, this is
outrageous."
Two cousins of Newton's slain husband, who also watched the execution,
complained that too much attention had been focused on Newton, and not enough on
the three murder victims.
"I wanted her to apologize, just to confess," Tamika Craft-Demming said. "I
don't know if you can get any satisfaction.
"Justice is not to me served. If we saw some kind of apology, that would have
been justice."
Craft-Demming, who sobbed loudly in the death chamber, described Newton as a
"mean and kind of evil-spirited person. I knew she was vindictive. None of these
things have been talked about.
"I did have a rough go in that room," she said of her experience in the death
chamber, where she broke down in tears. "I'd like to say not one tear was for
Frances. They were for the kids."
Without dissent, the high court declined a pair of appeals about an hour before
Newton was scheduled to be taken to the Texas death chamber.
The Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles, which last year paved the way for Gov.
Rick Perry to issue a reprieve about two hours before Newton was set to die, on
Monday unanimously rejected a request that her death sentence be commuted to
life in prison. Perry rejected another delay in the execution Wednesday
afternoon.
She also lost appeals in state and lower federal courts. Her execution was the
13th this year in Texas. She was the 11th woman executed in the United States
since the Supreme Court in 1976 allowed the death penalty to resume.
Newton didn't deny putting a gun in her 7-year-old son's knapsack and stashing
the bag at an abandoned house. But she and her lawyers argued the .25-caliber
blue steel revolver she hid was not the one used to fatally shoot her son,
Alton; her 21-month-old daughter, Farrah; and her husband, Adrian, 23, at their
Houston apartment.
Newton insisted she was innocent, and the claim about the gun was among several
in her appeal to the Supreme Court. She also contended her trial attorneys were
incompetent and evidence at her trial improperly was destroyed.
"I know I did not murder my kids and my family," she told The Associated Press
in a death row interview. "It's frustrating ... nobody's had to answer for
that."
Prosecutors called Newton's appeals meritless, noting that a second gun never
was recovered, that repeated ballistics tests confirmed the gun she hid was the
murder weapon, and that any destruction of evidence was not improper.
"The unbroken chain of custody directly links Newton to the murder weapon," the
Texas Attorney General's Office said in its filing to the Supreme Court.
Newton, accompanied by a cousin, found the bodies April 7, 1987. Her husband had
been shot in the head, the two children in the chest, all with a .25-caliber
pistol.
Three weeks before the slayings, Newton took out $50,000 life insurance policies
on herself, her husband and her daughter. She named herself as beneficiary and
said she signed her husband's name to prevent him from discovering she had set
aside money to pay for the premiums.
Prosecutors said the insurance payoff was the motive for the slayings.
The reprieve last year was granted to allow for additional ballistics testing on
the weapon. In March, the new ballistics tests confirmed earlier findings and
Harris County officials then rescheduled her execution.
Newton believed the real killer is or may be related to a drug dealer she knew
only as "Charlie," who she said was upset with her husband for not repaying a
$500 debt.
Newton executed for 1987 slayings, HC > AP, Sept. 14, 2005, 8:46PM,
http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/ssistory.mpl/topstory2/3354357
Texas executes woman for killing family
Wednesday, September 14, 2005;
Posted: 8:17
p.m. EDT (00:17 GMT)
HUNTSVILLE, Texas (AP) -- Frances Newton was
executed Wednesday for the fatal shootings of her husband and two children 18
years ago, becoming the third woman, and first black woman, to be put to death
in Texas since executions resumed in 1982.
Strapped to the death chamber gurney and with her parents among the people
watching, she declined to make a final statement, quietly saying "no" and
shaking her head when the warden asked if she would like to speak.
Newton, 40, briefly turned her head to look at her family as the drugs began
flowing. She appeared to try to mouth something to her relatives, but the drugs
took effect and prevented her. She coughed once and gasped as her eyes closed.
She was pronounced dead eight minutes later.
One of her sisters stood against a wall at the rear of the death house, her head
buried in her arms. Her parents held hands and her mother brushed away a tear
before they walked to the back of the chamber to console their other daughter.
About three dozen demonstrators chanted outside, but the crowd paled in
comparison to the hundreds who gathered in 1998 to protest the execution of
Karla Faye Tucker, the first woman executed in Texas since the Civil War.
The Supreme Court cleared the way for the execution earlier Wednesday. Without
dissent, the high court declined a pair of appeals about an hour before Newton
was scheduled to be taken to the Texas death chamber.
Newton was convicted of shooting to death her husband and their two children
some 18 years ago. She was moved late Tuesday from death row at a prison in
Gatesville to a prison south of Huntsville, where she spent the morning with
relatives.
Texas Department of Criminal Justice spokeswoman Michelle Lyons described Newton
as calm but emotional as officials moved her to the Huntsville Unit, where the
punishment was carried out.
"She's doing pretty bad," said one of her lawyers, David Dow. "I think she was
really expecting to win in the clemency board."
The Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles, which last year paved the way for Gov.
Rick Perry to issue a reprieve about two hours before Newton was set to die, on
Monday unanimously rejected a request that her death sentence be commuted to
life in prison. Perry rejected another delay in the execution Wednesday
afternoon.
She also lost appeals in state and federal courts. Her execution was the 13th
this year in Texas, and she was the 11th woman executed in the United States
since the Supreme Court in 1976 allowed the death penalty to resume.
Newton didn't deny putting a gun in her 7-year-old son's knapsack and stashing
the bag at an abandoned house. But she and her lawyers argued the .25-caliber
blue steel revolver she hid was not the one used to fatally shoot her son,
Alton; her 21-month-old daughter, Farrah; and her husband, Adrian, 23, at their
Houston apartment.
Newton all along insisted she was innocent, and the claim about the gun was
among several in her appeal to the Supreme Court. She also contended her trial
attorneys were incompetent and evidence at her trial was improperly destroyed.
"I know I did not murder my kids and my family," she told The Associated Press
in a death row interview. "It's frustrating. ... Nobody's had to answer for
that."
Prosecutors called Newton's appeals meritless, noting that a second gun never
was recovered, that repeated ballistics tests confirmed the gun she hid was the
murder weapon, and that any destruction of evidence was not improper.
"The unbroken chain of custody directly links Newton to the murder weapon," the
Texas Attorney General's Office said in its filing to the Supreme Court.
Three weeks before the slayings, Newton took out $50,000 life insurance policies
on herself, her husband and her daughter. She named herself as beneficiary and
said she signed her husband's name to prevent him from discovering she had set
aside money to pay for the premiums.
Prosecutors said the insurance payoff was the motive for the slayings.
Texas
executes woman for killing family, CNN > The Associated Press, Wednesday,
September 14, 2005; Posted: 8:17 p.m. EDT (00:17 GMT),
http://www.cnn.com/2005/US/09/14/texas.execution.ap/index.html
Without Evidence:
Executing Frances Newton
Another Texas death row case marked
by
official carelessness, negligence, and intransigence
BY JORDAN SMITH
Austin Chronicle
9.9.2005
Unless the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles
and Gov. Rick Perry act to stop it, on Sept. 14 Frances Newton will become only
the third woman executed by the state of Texas since 1982, and the first black
woman executed since the Civil War.
Unique in that historical sense, in other ways the Frances Newton case is
painfully unexceptional. For there is no incontrovertible evidence against
Newton, and the paltry evidence that does exist has been completely compromised.
Moreover, her story is one more in a long line of Texas death row cases in which
the prosecutions were sloppy or dishonest, the defenses incompetent or
negligent, and the constitutional guarantee of a fair trial was honored only in
name.
As Harris Co. prosecutors tell the story, the now 40-year-old Newton is a
cold-blooded killer who murdered her husband and two young children inside the
family's apartment outside Houston on April 7, 1987, by shooting each of them,
execution-style, in order to collect life insurance. Newton had the opportunity,
they argued during her 1988 trial, and a motive – a troubled relationship with
her husband, Adrian, and the promise of $100,000 in insurance money from
policies she'd recently taken out on his life and on the life of their
21-month-old daughter Farrah. And she had the means, they say: a .25-caliber
Raven Arms pistol she had allegedly stolen from a boyfriend's house.
To the state, it is a simple, open-and-shut case, which requires no further
review. "Her case has been reviewed by every possible court," Harris Co.
Assistant District Attorney Roe Wilson told the Los Angeles Times in November.
"She killed her two children and her husband. There is very, very strong
evidence of that."
Yet despite Wilson's insistence, Newton's case isn't simple at all – and such
"evidence" as there is, is far from strong. "The State's theory is simple, and
it is superficially compelling," attorney David Dow, head of the Texas Innocence
Network at the University of Houston Law Center, argued in Newton's clemency
petition, currently pending before the Board of Pardons and Paroles. "As we will
see, however, appearances can be misleading."
From the beginning, Frances Newton has maintained her innocence. She has also
offered a plausible alternative theory of the crime – a theory that neither
police, prosecutors, nor Newton's own trial attorney, the infamous and now
suspended Ronald Mock, have ever investigated. Newton and her defenders contend
that Adrian, Farrah, and 7-year-old Alton were likely murdered by someone
connected to a drug dealer to whom Adrian owed $1,500. The alternative theory
has much to say for it – among other things, it explains the lack of physical
evidence connecting Newton to the bloody murders.
Lingering questions about the physical evidence against Newton prompted the
Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles to recommend, and Gov. Rick Perry to grant, a
120-day reprieve for Newton on Dec. 1, 2004 – the day she was last scheduled for
execution. Although Perry said he saw no "evidence of innocence" – legally, an
oxymoron – he granted the four-month stay to allow for retesting of evidence
contested by Newton's defense, including nitrite residue on the hem of her skirt
and gun ballistics evidence.
But testing on the skirt proved impossible, because the 1987 tests had destroyed
the nitrite particles, and Harris Co. court officials had stored the skirt by
sealing it inside a bag together with items of the victims' bloody clothing –
thereby rendering it worthless as evidence. The second round of ballistics
testing, on the other hand, supposedly confirmed a match between the gun
prosecutors say Newton used and the bullets that killed her family. However,
that match may be fundamentally undermined – because there is no certain
connection between the gun and Newton. According to Dow, it appears that police
actually recovered at least two, and perhaps three, .25-caliber Raven Arms
pistols during their investigation of the murders – conflicting evidence that
neither the police nor the prosecutors ever revealed to Newton's defense. Dow
argues that it is virtually impossible to know whether prosecutors have been
truthful in claiming that the gun that Newton admits to hiding on April 7, 1987,
was the murder weapon. "How many firearms were recovered and investigated in
this case and who owned them?" Dow asks in a supplemental petition filed with
the BPP on Aug. 25. "How many records have been withheld from Newton's attorneys
throughout this case?"
In short, there is now even more doubt about Newton's guilt than there was when
she was granted the stay – distressing Newton's many defenders, among them
Adrian's parents, two former prison officials, and at least one of the jurors
who heard Newton's case. "We never wanted to see Frances get executed," Adrian's
parents Tom and Virginia Louis wrote to the BPP on Aug. 25. "When the trial
occurred, nobody from the [DA's] Office ever asked ... our opinion. We were
willing to testify on Frances' behalf, but Frances' defense lawyer never
approached us," they continued. "We do not wish to suffer the loss of another
family member."
A Bloody Crime
In the months before the murders, Frances and
Adrian Newton were having marital problems. They were each involved in
extramarital relationships, and Adrian was using drugs. In an Aug. 30 Gatesville
prison interview, Newton told me that in addition to smoking marijuana, Adrian
had developed a cocaine habit. "He had told me he was using cocaine, but I'd
never seen that, but I saw the effects of it," she recalled. "He was home later,
he was irritable, less responsible."
But she and Adrian had been together since she was a girl, and she was
determined to work things out. That was on her mind on the afternoon of April 7,
1987, when she and Adrian sat down and talked. "We had decided that we were
going to get through this together," she said. Adrian insisted that he wasn't
using anymore, so when they were done talking and Adrian went into the living
room "to watch TV ... I decided to be nosy and see if he was being honest," she
recalled. Quietly, she opened the cabinet where he kept his stash.
"That's when I found the gun," she said.
Newton said she immediately recalled a conversation she'd heard earlier that
day, between Adrian and his brother, Sterling, who'd been staying with the
family. "I couldn't hear real close, but it sounded like they'd been in some
trouble," she said. "I thought I'd better take [the gun] out of there because I
didn't want it to be in the house ... I didn't want him to get into any
trouble." She removed the gun, placed it in a duffel bag and took it with her
when she left the apartment around 6pm to run some errands, she says.
Newton says it was the last time she saw her family alive.
At 7pm, after a couple of errands, Newton arrived at her cousin Sondra Nelms'
house, where the two chatted and decided to return to Newton's apartment. As
Newton backed out of the drive, she saw the duffel on the back seat and realized
she needed to hide it. With Nelms watching, Newton retrieved the bag and walked
next door into a burned and abandoned house owned by her parents, and there (as
both women later confirmed), she left the bag.
The women arrived at the apartment around 8pm, and didn't immediately realize
that anything was wrong. Newton thought Adrian was napping – until she saw the
blood. "As Frances walked around the couch and saw his upper torso, she
immediately screamed and bolted to the children's bedroom," Nelms said in an
affidavit. "Frances began to frantically scream uncontrollably. I could not calm
her down enough to elicit the apartment's address."
Newton says she was shocked and dazed, but gave police as much information as
possible – including the fact that she'd just removed a gun from the house. She
told police about Adrian's drug habit, and that he owed some money to a dealer –
which Adrian's brother, Terrence, corroborated, telling police he knew where the
dealer lived. Police never pursued the lead. "To your knowledge, was the alleged
drug dealer ever interviewed by anyone in connection with this case?" Newton's
attorney asked Sheriff's Officer Frank Pratt at trial. "No," Pratt replied.
A bullet remained lodged in Adrian's head, meaning that the blood and brain
matter would have blown back onto the gun and shooter – confirmed by a trail of
blood found in the hallway. Police found no trace of residual nitrites (gunshot
residue) on Newton's hands, nor on the long sleeves of the sweater she was
wearing. They collected the clothing she'd worn that day. There was no blood,
nor any trace of blood, on any of the items.
Which Gun?
The next day, April 8, according to trial
records, police supposedly confirmed that the gun they had retrieved from
Newton's duffel bag in the abandoned building – at her direction – matched the
murder bullets. Yet Newton was not arrested until more than two weeks later.
Newton says that Harris Co. Sheriff's Sgt. J.J. Freeze told her that police had
actually recovered two guns; in a sworn affidavit, Newton's father Bee Henry
Nelms says Freeze told him the same thing and added that Newton would
"eventually be released." Nonetheless, Newton was arrested two weeks later –
after she filed a claim on Adrian and Farrah's life insurance policies – and
charged with the capital murder of her 21-month-old daughter.
The state's primary evidence against her was elementary: Newton had filed for
insurance benefits, and the Department of Public Safety forensic technicians had
detected nitrite traces near the hem of Newton's long skirt – although they
couldn't say with certainty that the nitrites were not her father's garden
fertilizer transferred earlier that day from the hands of her toddler daughter.
For physical evidence, the state relied primarily on the supposed ballistics
match to the gun Newton had hidden.
Yet in court Freeze was somewhat vague: "I believe we talked about two pistols,"
he testified. "I know of one for sure, and there was mention of a second one
that Ms. Newton had purchased earlier."
There are serious questions about the prosecutors' timeline, which would have
required Newton somehow to murder her family, clean herself of any and all blood
traces and gunshot residue, and drive to her cousin's house – all in less than
30 minutes. And since her 1988 conviction, the question of a second gun has
haunted Newton's case. The ballistics evidence was increasingly suspect in any
case because of the recent history of the Houston PD crime lab, which has been
repeatedly charged with incompetent, shoddy work, resulting in a number of
exonerations and the wholesale discrediting of the lab, which remains under
investigation. The lab's clouded reputation was one factor that prompted Gov.
Perry to accept the BPP's recommendation to grant Newton a reprieve last winter.
Although subsequent testing supposedly confirmed the ballistics match, the
search for the second gun continued. And in June, Dow argued in Newton's
clemency petition, the truth finally began to leak out, and from the most
unlikely place: the Harris Co. District Attorney's Office. During a brief
videotaped interview with a Dutch reporter, Assistant DA Roe Wilson
inadvertently confirmed the existence of a second gun. "Police recovered a gun
from the apartment that belonged to the husband," Wilson acknowledged. "[It] had
not been fired, it had not been involved in the offense, " she continued. "It
was simply a gun [Adrian] had there; so there is no second-gun theory."
Wilson and her boss, DA Chuck Rosenthal, quickly retracted her admission. Wilson
told the Houston Chronicle that she'd simply "misspoken," and Rosenthal accused
Dow of fabricating the idea of a second gun "out of whole cloth." "I'm very
clear," Rosenthal told The New York Times. "One gun was recovered in the case."
On Aug. 24, the Court of Criminal Appeals agreed, dismissing Newton's most
recent appeal. "The evidence in this case was more than sufficient to establish
[Newton's] guilt," Judge Cathy Cochran wrote. "The various details that [Newton]
suggests her trial counsel should have investigated in greater detail do not
detract ... from the single crucial piece of evidence that concerns her: she
disposed of the murder weapon immediately after the killing."
Dow and his University of Houston law students persisted, and late last month
may have succeeded. In August, Harris Co. investigators provided testimony that
police may have recovered at least two identical .25-caliber Raven Arms pistols.
In separate affidavits, two police investigators recall tracing firearms
recovered in connection with the murders. Officer Frank Pratt told one of Dow's
students that he was assigned a gun found in the abandoned house, which he
traced to a purchase by Newton's boyfriend's cousin at a local Montgomery Ward.
He also discovered, he told student Frances Zeon, that the purchaser had also
bought a "second, identical gun"; but he didn't follow up on the second gun,
because "he felt there was no need to do so." Pratt said he'd written up a
report on the gun – a report Newton's attorneys have never seen.
However, Newton's attorneys do have a police report written by Detective M.
Parinello, who reported he had traced yet another firearm recovered in
connection with the case to a purchase from Rebel Distributors in Humble, Texas,
which he said also ended up with Newton's boyfriend. "The question arises: what
recovered firearm was ... Pratt investigating?" asks the clemency petition.
"Counsel does not have access to the Harris Co. Sheriff's Department's records
in this case. A request made directly to that institution for all records in
connection to its investigation of this offense was rejected."
From all this conflicting yet incomplete gun evidence, it seems reasonable to
surmise that there is no way to know which gun was in fact the murder weapon, or
which gun was delivered for ballistics tests in 1987 or this year. Since the
prosecution relied so heavily on a weapon that Newton herself had delivered to
them, the new evidence discovered by her attorneys completely undermines her
conviction.
At press time, Harris Co. Sheriff's Office spokesman Lt. John Martin was not
able to reach Parinello or Pratt for comment but said that a captain who worked
the Newton case had said there was only one gun recovered during the
investigation. Harris Co. DA Chuck Rosenthal reiterated that, "as far as I know"
there was only one gun recovered in the case. However, he said that even if
investigators had recovered multiple firearms, and even if each were the same
brand and caliber, the fact remains that the weapon investigators recovered from
the abandoned house, which was immediately "tagged" and "tested," matched the
bullets recovered from the victims. "Let's say, for conjecture's sake, that you
ran down 50 or 100 guns, all associated with the case," he said. "The fact [is]
that only one fired the bullets and that we know where that gun came from."
Criminal Defense
As in many Texas capital cases, a large part
of the problem with Newton's appeals is that her court-appointed trial attorney,
Ron Mock, never actually investigated her case. If he had, perhaps he would've
followed up the drug dealer lead or Freeze's reported comments about a second
gun. Newton and her parents implored the trial judge to allow her to change
attorneys, and Mock admitted to the judge that he hadn't talked to any
prosecution witnesses, nor had he subpoenaed any defense witness. The judge
granted the motion to remove Mock but he declined a continuance, leaving Newton
little choice but to go to trial with Mock. "It was stunning," she told me.
"[Mock gets on the stand and] says, 'I don't know anything,' and for the judge
to just dismiss it ... it was stunning." (Mock has since been brought before the
State Bar's disciplinary board at least five times on various charges of
professional misconduct, for which he has been fined and sometimes suspended; he
is currently suspended from practicing law until late 2007.)
The Harris Co. prosecutors' defense of the conviction has also worn thin,
especially given Roe Wilson's supposed "misstatement" about the second gun. To
Newton's mother, Jewel Nelms, Wilson's admission is no mistake. "I've known all
the time that there was a second gun," she told Houston's KPFT radio last month.
"So I want to say again, to Roe Wilson, I thank you ... very much for letting us
know, indeed, that there's somebody down there that knows about the second gun
and was willing to talk about it – even though I know it wasn't her intention to
do it."
Newton's clemency petition is still pending
before the Board of Pardons and Paroles. On Monday, Sept. 6, her attorneys filed
a petition with the state district court in Houston and the Court of Criminal
Appeals, claiming that the state's failure to disclose evidence of a second gun
violated her right to due process. At press time, Gov. Perry's office had
received more than 4,000 letters, faxes, e-mails, and postcards regarding
Newton's impending execution – most imploring Perry to commute her death
sentence to life in prison. Letters about Newton's bid should be addressed to:
The Honorable Rick Perry, Office of the Governor, PO Box 12428, Austin,
78711-2428; and to Chairwoman Rissie Owens, Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles,
Executive Clemency Unit, PO Box 13401, Austin, 78711.
Without Evidence: Executing Frances Newton, AC, 9.9.2005,
http://www.austinchronicle.com/issues/dispatch/2005-09-09/pols_feature3.html
Fight to stop Texas woman's execution
Friday August 26, 2005
The Guardian
Richard Luscombe in Miami
Texas is preparing to execute the first black
woman in the state since the American civil war - drawing protests from her
supporters and opponents of the US death penalty.
Frances Newton, 40, was convicted of murdering
her husband and two children in 1987 for a $100,000 (£55,000) insurance payout.
Her campaigners say she is innocent, but supporters of capital punishment point
out that she has lost several appeals.
If she is given a lethal injection next month as planned, she will be the first
African-American woman to be executed in Texas since the civil war ended in
1865, and only the second in the country since capital punishment resumed in
1977.
"What this will do is make it easier to execute more innocent women," said
Gloria Rubac, a Houston-based activist for the abolition of the death penalty.
"If they murder her, they will be able to murder anybody who is innocent."
Newton's case has put the spotlight back on the governor of Texas, Rick Perry,
and the state's record on capital punishment. Of the 979 executions in the US
over the past 28 years, 347 have been in Texas. Of these, 152 took place during
George Bush's 1995-2000 state governorship.
"We're cautiously optimistic of a reprieve because of the strength of the new
evidence, but we live in Texas and we know what goes on here," said Ms Rubac.
Newton is one of five black people among nine women on death row at the Mountain
View women's jail in Gatesville. She was convicted of shooting her estranged
husband, Adrian, 23, son, Alton, seven, and 21-month-old daughter, Farrah, a
month after taking out insurance policies on their lives.
Her lawyer, David Dow, of the University of Houston's Law Centre Innocence
Network, said the state had covered up the existence of a second gun found at
the family's apartment, and that no jury would have convicted Newton if she had
had a competent lawyer at her trial. Newton's original court-appointed attorney,
Ronald Mock, admitted he had not read key papers or interviewed witnesses. The
state bar of Texas recently suspended him for 35 months for unrelated
disciplinary reasons.
"It's rare, if not unheard of, for a woman to be executed for killing her
children," said Professor Dow. "This case is unusual for several reasons, but
the evidence that points away from her is more compelling than that which points
to her."
Newton's fate rests with the Texas appeal court, which is reviewing a writ of
habeas corpus submitted by Prof Dow. Any response might not come until the
planned execution date of September 14.
Hundreds of supporters, meanwhile, are planning a march to the Texas governor's
mansion in Austin tomorrow. Ms Rubac said: "We're getting up to 100 emails a
day. The response shows that people don't want to see an innocent person killed
even if they believe in the death penalty."
Fight
to stop Texas woman's execution, G, 26.8.2005,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,12271,1556667,00.html
Death row inmates' moms join lab protest
Both contend mistakes resulted in
convictions
Feb. 25, 2005, 11:17PM
The Houston Chronicle
By ANNE MARIE KILDAY
The mothers of two death row inmates were
among about a dozen protesters Friday afternoon, in a small but noisy
demonstration against the Houston Police Department's crime lab.
Several protesters carried signs reading, "Jail the HPD Crime Lab" as they
walked a picket line in front of HPD's headquarters at 1200 Travis.
The lab has been at the center of controversy since 2002, when officials
shuttered the DNA section after an audit that revealed widespread problems and
prompted the retesting of evidence from nearly 400 cases.
The retesting has raised questions in dozens of convictions and resulted in the
freeing of one man. A second man was released from prison after flaws were found
in serology work by the lab. That case is on appeal.
Questions also have been raised about the quality of ballistic work in some HPD
cases.
Jewel Nelms, the mother of Frances Newton, and Lee Bolton, the mother of Nanon
Williams, contended crime lab mistakes resulted in their children's murder
convictions.
Newton's scheduled execution was delayed in early December by Gov. Rick Perry,
who issued a 120-day reprieve to allow her lawyer to retest critical evidence.
Newton was convicted in the 1987 slayings of her husband and their two children.
Bolton said her son, Nanon Williams, 30, has been in prison since he was 17. His
1992 murder conviction, which was based on ballistics evidence, is on appeal in
the federal courts.
The two mothers were joined by representatives of the National Black United
Front, the Texas Death Penalty Abolition Movement and the Harris County Green
Party.
Death
row inmates' moms join lab protest, HC, 25.2.2005,
http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/ssistory.mpl/special/crimelab/3057952 ,
anne.kilday@chron.com
A black woman executed in 1945 for the murder
of a white man
she claimed held her as a slave and threatened to kill her
if she left will
receive a pardon, officials in Georgia said on Tuesday.
Georgia's Board of Pardons and Paroles
voted to grant the rare posthumous pardon
to Lena Baker,
who worked as a maid for Ernest Knight,
after reviewing her case,
which has been
described by some historians as a legal lynching.
She was the only woman to die in the southern state's electric chair.
REUTERS/Georgia Board of Pardons and Paroles
U.S. state
pardoning black woman
executed
in 1945
Tue Aug 16, 2005 11:13 AM ET
Reuters
ATLANTA (Reuters) - A black woman executed in
1945 for the murder of a white man she claimed held her as a slave and
threatened to kill her if she left will receive a pardon, officials in Georgia
said on Tuesday.
Georgia's Board of Pardons and Paroles voted to grant the rare posthumous pardon
to Lena Baker, who worked as a maid for Ernest Knight, after reviewing her case,
which has been described by some historians as a legal lynching.
She was the only woman to die in the southern state's electric chair.
"This was a case that cried out for mercy," said Garland Hunt, a board member.
Hunt said Baker should have been convicted of involuntary manslaughter and that
the state made a "grievous error" when it did not commute her sentence.
An all-white jury sentenced Baker for killing Knight in 1944 in rural southwest
Georgia, despite hearing testimony from Baker that the 67-year-old had held her
against her will and tried to rape her.
Baker, 44, claimed she grabbed Knight's gun and shot him in the head as she
resisted his advances. Neighbors, however, had told authorities that the two
often drank together and had a consensual sexual relationship.
Baker was put to death in Georgia's electric chair on March 5, 1945, after the
then-segregated state's pardons board refused to grant clemency.
The state plans to make her pardon official in a proclamation at a ceremony on
August 30 in Atlanta. Some of Baker's descendants, who had requested the pardon,
will attend, Hunt said.
U.S.
state pardoning black woman executed in 1945, R, Tue Aug 16, 2005 11:13 AM ET,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=2005-08-16T151254Z_01_SCH654751_RTRIDST_0_USREPORT-RIGHTS-EXECUTION-DC.XML
Executed Woman to Get Pardon in Georgia
August 16, 2005
The New York Times
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
ALBANY, Ga., Aug. 15 (AP) - The only woman
ever executed in Georgia's electric chair, Lena Baker, is being granted a
posthumous pardon, 60 years after she was put to death for killing a man she
said had held her in slavery and threatened her life.
The Georgia Board of Pardons and Paroles plans to make the pardon official by
presenting a proclamation to Ms. Baker's descendants at a meeting on Aug. 30 in
Atlanta, a board spokeswoman, Scheree Lipscomb, said Monday.
The board did not find that Ms. Baker was not guilty of the crime, but it did
find that the decision to deny her clemency in 1945 "was a grievous error, as
this case called out for mercy," Ms. Lipscomb said.
In her one-day trial, Ms. Baker, who was black, testified that E. B. Knight, a
white man she had been hired to care for, had held her against her will and
threatened to shoot her. She said she grabbed a gun and shot him when he raised
a metal bar to strike her. She was convicted by an all-white, all-male jury.
Ms. Baker's grandnephew, Roosevelt Curry, has led the family's effort to clear
her name.
Executed Woman to Get Pardon in Georgia, NYT > By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS, August
16, 2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/08/16/national/16pardon.html
Review of executed man's conviction
boosts
anti-death penalty lobby
Wednesday July 20, 2005
The Guardian
Gary Younge in New York
A convicted murderer executed 20 years ago,
could be the first person put to death to be declared innocent since capital
punishment was reintroduced in the United States.
Jennifer Joyce, a St Louis district attorney,
has decided to reopen the case of Larry Griffin, who was convicted in 1981 of
the murder of Quintin Moss, a 19-year-old drug dealer who was shot dead. Griffin
maintained his innocence to the end, but was put to death in 1995, aged 40, by
lethal injection.
Since then the first police officer at the scene, another witness to the
shooting and the victim's family have all raised doubts that Griffin was guilty.
The principlal witness for the prosecution, a convicted drug dealer, changed his
account shortly before the execution but has since died.
There have been dozens of cases of prisoners on death row having their
convictions overturned, but the innocence of someone who has been executed has
not been proved since the death penalty was reintroduced in 1976.
If Ms Joyce were to overturn the conviction posthumously it would provide a huge
boost to anti-death penalty campaigners.
"What I have heard recently is very troubling and leads me to believe an
innocent man was executed for this murder, while the real killers have not been
brought to justice," said Missouri congressman William Clay.
Pressure to reopen the case came from America's oldest civil rights
organisation, the NAACP, following a report by the University of Michigan Law
School.
"If they prove he was innocent, that would be the gold standard," Joshua
Marquis, an advocate of the death penalty, told the New York Times.
"I'm not sure opponents of the death penalty would start prevailing, but they'd
be able to say to people like me, 'What about Mr Griffin?'"
The murder took place on June 26 1980 when Moss was shot dead from a slow-moving
car.
Central to the push to establish Griffin's innocence are accusations of flawed
credibility and testimony of the only eyewitness involved in the trial.
Robert Fitzgerald, a career criminal from Boston who said he got a good look at
the gunman, remembered his licence plate numbers and later identified Griffin in
photographs as well as the abandoned car.
Shortly after Griffin was convicted, Fitzgerald was released and cleared on
felony and fraud charges.
Fitzgerald later changed his story saying that he had only been shown one
picture and told: "We happen to know who did it."
Moreover, nobody else who was on or near the scene remembers Fitzgerald being
there - a strange oversight since he was white and this was a black area.
The first police officer at the scene says he never saw a white man, although
testified otherwise at the trial.
A man who was struck by a stray bullet but never called upon to testify at the
trial says Fitzgerald was not there.
"Fitzgerald was the entire case and now there's very strong eyewitness evidence
that Fitzgerald was not there and what's more, Larry Griffin was not there,"
said Samuel Gross, a law professor at the University of Michigan who conducted
the NAACP's investigation.
However, the original prosecutor in the case, Gordon Ankney, cites other facts
as proof that he got the right man.
Mr Ankney claims an off-duty officer said Griffin got in the car that was used
in the shooting on the day of the murder and that the murder weapon was found in
the car.
"I believe the jury did the right thing, and nothing's happened that's led me to
believe otherwise," Mr Ankney told Associated Press.
Review of executed man's conviction boosts anti-death penalty lobby, G,
Wednesday July 20, 2005,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,12271,1532150,00.html
Chief Justice
Stays Execution for Death Row
Inmate
in Virginia
July 12, 2005
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
The New York Times
RICHMOND, Va., July 11 (AP) - The Supreme
Court granted a last-minute stay of execution on Monday for a man convicted of
fatally stabbing the manager of a pool hall with a pair of scissors.
The convict, Robin Lovitt, 41, had been scheduled for execution at 9 p.m.; his
lawyers learned of the stay around 4:30 p.m. The stay, issued by Chief Justice
William H. Rehnquist, will remain in place until the full court reconvenes in
October. The court will then either hear Mr. Lovitt's appeal or allow Virginia
to execute him.
Mr. Lovitt's lawyers and opponents of capital punishment have argued that the
conviction should be reviewed because of questions about the evidence.
Initial DNA tests of the bloody scissors could not conclusively link Mr. Lovitt
to the 1998 slaying of Clayton Dicks, 44, during a pool hall robbery in
Arlington.
A court clerk destroyed most of the evidence, including the scissors, making
additional DNA testing impossible. The scissors were among items discarded in
2001 to free up space in the Arlington County Circuit Court's evidence room.
The Virginia attorney general's office has maintained that DNA evidence was not
critical to the conviction because of "very compelling, strong evidence,"
including eyewitness testimony.
"He was found guilty by 12 jurors, two trial judges, seven state justices, one
federal district judge and three federal appellate judges," said Emily Lucier, a
spokeswoman for the state attorney general's office.
Lawyers for Mr. Lovitt, who maintains his innocence, sought a last-minute appeal
from the Supreme Court and clemency from Gov. Mark Warner. Among those fighting
the execution is Kenneth W. Starr, the former independent counsel.
Chief
Justice Stays Execution for Death Row Inmate in Virginia, NYT, 12.7.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/07/12/national/12virginia.html?ex=1133499600&en=f7b7a70dd995bd61&ei=5070
After a Mostly Silent Execution,
Some Questions Remain
May 14, 2005
The New York Times
By WILLIAM YARDLEY
HARTFORD, May 13 - Michael Bruce Ross went to
his death early Friday morning with his eyes closed and his mouth shut.
Strapped to a table inside a state prison in Somers, in northern Connecticut,
Mr. Ross gasped and shuddered as the chemicals entered his arm intravenously,
according to five news media witnesses. At 2:25 a.m., he became the first person
executed in New England in 45 years.
Over the last year, the serial killer who murdered eight teenage girls and young
women, raping most of them, had abandoned his appeals and fought to be put to
death. He dismissed those who would save him and said frequently that he wanted
to bring peace to the families of his victims.
In the end, however, when he was asked whether he wanted to make a final
statement before the 21 people who came to witness his death, he said, "No thank
you."
"It was just a cowardly exit on his behalf in that he couldn't even face the
families," said Edwin Shelley, whose daughter Leslie was 14 when Mr. Ross
strangled her in 1984. "There was no, 'I'm sorry,' no remorse shown at all."
While his silence frustrated some, it also added to the mysteries that had
surrounded his motive: Had he truly acted out of sympathy for the victims? Had
he been driven to suicide by his years of solitary confinement? Or, as
psychiatrists suggested, had he gone stoically to death in a grand act of
vanity, a narcissist with a need to appear noble?
Or did it matter?
"To be honest, I didn't care what his motives were," Mr. Shelley said. "He had
made the comment that he wished to die. His wish is my wish, regardless of how
he dies."
Mr. Ross apparently never wavered on his final day.
"By the afternoon, he was - I don't want to say giddy - but by the time he knew
that no court was going to change anything, he became upbeat and started joking
around," said Martha R. H. Elliott, a writer who has interviewed Mr. Ross
extensively and spent more than six hours with him before he died.
Six inmates remain on death row in Connecticut and several lawyers and death
penalty experts said that Mr. Ross's execution was not likely to speed their
path to execution. The death penalty has little support in the Northeast, where
only Pennsylvania and now Connecticut have carried out executions in the last 40
years. The four inmates executed in the two states since the 1960's all
abandoned appeals.
Given the rarity of capital punishment in the region, the distinctive case of
Mr. Ross led Connecticut and its courts on a strange psychological journey that
concluded on an uncommonly cold morning in May, Friday the 13th.
The case, drawn out over two decades, was replayed - and amplified - in a few
frantic months this year. Against the wishes of Mr. Ross, other people,
including his sister and father, tried to stop the execution. Some claimed that
Mr. Ross was incompetent, that his decisions were driven by mental illness.
They seemed to have succeeded in January, after intervention by a federal judge
halted Mr. Ross's initial execution date that month. But a new execution date,
in May, was scheduled almost immediately, and a new round of legal challenges
began.
Judges reviewed testimony that "sexual sadism" controlled Mr. Ross's crimes and
that "malignant narcissism" controlled his desire to die. In court, Mr. Ross
sneered at his doubters and sobbed in despair. On television, he smiled. Death
penalty opponents accused the state, in one of the nation's most liberal
regions, of reverting to barbarism. And families of the victims wondered if the
execution would ever go forward - or if Mr. Ross would change his mind.
And then he was dead.
"The odd thing about the whole thing," said Kenton Robinson, a reporter for The
Day of New London who witnessed the execution, "was just the silence." The
state's first execution by lethal injection was carried out at Osborn
Correctional Institution, hidden behind a grassy slope in Somers, about a mile
from a development of new luxury homes and the Massachusetts border.
About 1 a.m., John Stamm was among 300 protesters walking quietly along a
two-lane rural road in the dark toward the prison entrance.
Mr. Stamm, 86, said his views against capital punishment were rooted in his
childhood in Germany, where he "saw the Nazis kill people."
Asked whether Mr. Ross's was a life worth saving, he said, "I think everyone is
capable of redemption; it doesn't mean they'll all make it."
Mr. Ross spent his final day in a holding cell, reading the Bible and praying
with several spiritual advisers. His last meal was turkey a la king. He received
last rites from a prison chaplain shortly before he was escorted to the
execution chamber about 1:30 a.m.
"He was at peace and he was ready," said Kathy Jaeger, who described herself as
a spiritual advocate and who met with him about 10 p.m. "He was in as good a
place as he could be."
Nine relatives of Mr. Ross's victims witnessed the execution. They stood in the
middle of a witness room with a victims' advocate, and the two detectives who
had arrested Mr. Ross. On either side of them, separated by heavy gray curtains,
were four people there at Mr. Ross's request and five news media witnesses with
notepads and pens.
At 2:08 a.m., another curtain that had blocked the execution chamber opened and
revealed Mr. Ross strapped to a padded table, his arms outstretched.
A microphone was mounted near the table but Mr. Ross chose not to make a
statement. Ms. Jaeger said Mr. Ross considered making an apology but "just
didn't know if he was going to be able to deliver it, from wherever he was
spiritually, emotionally."
"When he said, 'No thank you,' I was disappointed," she said. "But I understood.
I mean, my God, this guy's about to die, and knowingly."
A warden placed a call from the chamber to receive the execution order.
"Is there any legal impediment preventing me from issuing this order?" Theresa
C. Lantz, commissioner of the Department of Correction, asked the chief state's
attorney, Christopher L. Morano.
Over a web of open phone lines, lawyers and court clerks made a final round of
checks to see whether any stays of execution had been ordered. None had been.
The injection began at 2:13 a.m.
"He definitely gasped and shuddered," said Shelly Sindland, a reporter for
WTIC-TV.
Ms. Jaeger, who witnessed the execution at Mr. Ross's request, said, "It almost
looked involuntary. It was like he winced."
Some heard a family member say, sarcastically, "Uh, feeling some pain?"
And then, after the color appeared to fade from Mr. Ross's face, another family
member said, "It was too peaceful."
The execution had been scheduled for 2:01 a.m., "or as soon thereafter as
possible," according to a Correction Department directive. As the clock neared
2:30 a.m., Christine Whidden, the warden of Robinson Correctional Institution,
addressed reporters gathered at the facility just down the road from Osborn.
"Death occurred at 2:25 a.m. on this day," she said.
Debbie Dupuis, the sister of Robin Stavinsky, who Mr. Ross murdered in 1983 when
she was 19, told reporters, "I thought I would feel closure, but I felt anger
just watching him lay there and just sleep after what he did to these women."
Brian Garnett, a Correction Department spokesman, said later that the execution
occurred slightly later than scheduled because "we were ensuring that everything
was done appropriately."
"There were no issues with the procedure last night," he said. "It went totally
according to plan."
Stacey Stowe contributed reporting for this article.
After
a Mostly Silent Execution, Some Questions Remain, NYT, May 14, 2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/05/14/nyregion/14death.html
Connecticut Carries Out
Its First Execution
in 45 Years
May, 13, 2005
By WILLIAM YARDLEY
and STACEY STOWE
SOMERS, Conn., May 13 - Connecticut carried
out its first execution in 45 years early today, administering a lethal
injection to Michael Bruce Ross, a convicted serial killer who abandoned his
appeals and died willingly after 18 years on death row.
About 300 death penalty opponents held vigil in the cold and dark outside the
rural complex of state prisons where a warden led Mr. Ross to the execution
chamber and an unidentified executioner began administering a lethal injection
into his arm shortly after the scheduled 2:01 a.m. execution time.
"Death occurred at 2:25 a.m. on this day," Christine Whidden, the warden of one
of the prisons, Robinson Correctional Institution, announced five minutes
afterwards.
Mr. Ross, 45, had sought that fatal moment for nearly a year.
In defiance of public defenders and others who wanted to save him, he chose to
forgo further appeals of his death sentence last year. He said he wanted to ease
the pain of the families of the eight teenage girls and young women he strangled
in the early 1980's. He raped most of his victims.
A graduate of Cornell University and a former life insurance salesman, Mr. Ross
convinced judges he was competent, smirked at psychiatrists who said he was
suicidal and often seemed exasperated by his inability to reshape his image.
"I am not an animal," he once wrote.
In the final moments before his execution on Friday morning, however, he did not
attempt to explain himself. He kept his eyes closed and never looked through the
glass at those witnessing his death.
His execution, at Osborn Correctional Institution, atop a grassy slope about a
mile from the Massachusetts border, was witnessed by more than 20 people. Nine
family members of Mr. Ross's victims witnessed the execution, as did the two
detectives who first arrested him and a victims' advocate. They shared the
witness room with four people who were there at Mr. Ross's request, as well as
five news media witnesses who were allowed to document the event with notepads
and pens. Heavy gray curtains separated each group.
Media witnesses said the curtain blocking the execution chamber opened at 2:08
a.m. and revealed Mr. Ross strapped to a padded table, his arms outstretched.
Asked if he wanted to make a final statement, he said, "No, thank you."
A warden then placed a call from the chamber that lasted five minutes. It was
unclear why the call lasted that long, though the execution procedure required a
final check to see whether any stays of execution had been ordered.
Several media witnesses said the injection began at about 2:13, after the warden
hung up the phone. They said Mr. Ross clearly reacted to the flow of chemicals.
"He definitely gasped and shuddered," said Shelly Sindland, a reporter for
WTIC-TV. She and others said they did not know whether Mr. Ross felt pain
Ms. Sindland noted that a family member near her said aloud sarcastically, "Uh,
feeling some pain?"
After the color appeared to fade from Mr. Ross's face, another family member, a
man, said, "It was too peaceful."
Family members expressed a range of emotions after witnessing the execution.
Some expressed sympathy for Mr. Ross's family, none of whom witnessed the
execution.
"I thought I would feel closure but I felt anger just watching him lay there and
sleep after what he did to these women," said Debbie Dupuis, the sister of Robin
Stavinsky, who Mr. Ross murdered in 1983 when she was 19.
Lan Manh Tu, whose younger sister Dzung Ngoc Tu, 25, was raped and murdered by
Mr. Ross in 1981, traveled to Connecticut from Maryland on Thursday for the
execution. Mr. Ross was never prosecuted for her murder, though he confessed to
it. Mr. Tu was allowed inside the prison but he was not allowed to witness the
execution.
"I'm glad that we will never have to hear about him again," Mr. Tu said.
Lera Shelley, whose daughter Leslie was 14 when Mr. Ross strangled her in 1984,
said, "My daughter and the other victims finally have the justice they deserve
and now they can all rest in peace."
Outside the prison, in the first moments after the execution, the approximately
300 people who had sung hymns and talked quietly became silent.
"I feel regret that this state has just killed somebody," James Russell, 23, a
teacher from Longmeadow, Mass., said shortly after the execution was announced.
"It's a barbaric act that shouldn't happen in a democratic society."
Because of his status as a so-called volunteer, Mr. Ross held the right to
change his mind up until the moment of the lethal injection and to say he wanted
to appeal.
"All he has to do is say so and the machinery of death will stop," Attorney
General Richard Blumenthal said during an afternoon news conference at a prison
just down from the prison where Mr. Ross was to die.
The execution had seemed imminent before.
In January, Mr. Ross came within hours of death before his lawyer, T.R.
Paulding, unexpectedly requested a delay. Mr. Paulding, who has helped Mr. Ross
seek execution, cited a potential conflict of interest after a federal judge
threatened earlier that day to suspend his law license for not questioning Mr.
Ross's competency more thoroughly.
A new six-day evaluation in April led to another finding of competency and a
series of court rulings affirming the finding. One expert said this week that he
believed that the execution would go forward because the state effectively has
had a legal "dress-rehearsal."
"I think last time cleared a lot of the underbrush out of the way," said Michael
A. Mello, a professor at Vermont Law School and a former capital defense lawyer.
Before the execution, on the rural two-lane road that runs past the prison
complex here, drivers beeped horns or shouted support or disapproval as they
passed clusters of correction officers and state police officers. A line of
protesters marched before sundown, their anti-death-penalty banners rippling in
the strong spring breeze.
"I'm not here because of Mr. Ross," said David Cruz-Uribe, 41, who teaches math
at Trinity College in Hartford. "He's not a nice person. I'm here because I
oppose the death penalty."
After midnight, Mr. Cruz-Uribe joined hundreds of protesters marching toward
Osborn as temperatures dipped toward the low 40's. He recited the Hail Mary
prayer as his fingers worked the beads of a rosary.
Lawyers trying to stop the execution argued in court as late as Thursday
afternoon. A motion filed by one of Mr. Ross's sisters claimed his decision to
be executed was involuntary because he suffered from a combination of mental
disorders and psychological coercion after years of confinement. Another suit
claimed that Mr. Ross's "suicide" would "cause suicide contagion" among other
inmates.
Both claims were rejected in federal court late in the day. A three-judge panel
of the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit found that Mr. Ross's sister,
Donna Dunham, did not have legal standing. In a separate decision, the court
said the possible effect of the execution on other prisoners was not clear.
The United States Supreme Court rejected both claims late Thursday night.
Mr. Ross's unlikely case pushed Connecticut toward its 74th execution since it
adopted capital punishment in 1893. But it would be the first since the state
electrocuted a murderer nicknamed Mad Dog in 1960
While rough edges defined that man, Joseph Taborsky, Mr. Ross was an Ivy League
graduate with a sometimes condescending manner and a masterful grasp of the
nuances of death penalty law.
He was first arrested on murder charges in 1984, three years after he graduated
from Cornell. Six of his victims lived in eastern Connecticut; two lived in New
York. He was sentenced to death in 1987 for four of the Connecticut killings.
On Thursday morning, he woke at 5:45 a.m. and "spent part of the morning
watching television, reading newspapers," said Brian Garnett, a spokesman for
the State Department of Correction.
By 8:10 a.m. he was moved to a holding cell next to what correction officials
call "the execution enclosure." He took with him a Bible, a book of Bible
verses, a coffee cup and candy. He received communion from a prison chaplain
about 9 a.m. and received visits from his lawyer, friends and family, speaking
to them through holes in plexiglass covering the cell bars.
His last meal, served at about 3 p.m., was the prison meal of the day.
"That happened to be turkey a la king with rice, mixed vegetables, white bread,
fruit and a beverage," Mr. Garnett said.
Mr. Paulding, speaking to reporters after the execution, said his client
genuinely wanted to help the families of his victims and had made "a decision
that required courage."
"This was not an act of suicide," he said.
"He sought to do what he thought was right," Mr. Paulding added. "He stuck to
his principles."
Christopher L. Morano, the chief state's attorney, whose office prosecuted Mr.
Ross, said, "It's time to forget about Michael Ross, but we should never forget
about his victims."
Gov. M. Jodi Rell, a Republican who declined to grant Mr. Ross a temporary
reprieve, said, "Today is a day no one truly looked forward to - but then no one
looked forward to the brutal, heinous deaths of those eight young girls. I hope
that there is at least some measure of relief and closure for their families."
Theresa C. Lantz, commissioner of the state department of corrections, noted the
historic nature of the execution for her department and that it was the state's
first by lethal injection.
"We have drilled consistently," she said. "Utilizing every contingency and
scenario that we possibly could, 30 times at a minimum."
She said employees involved with the lethal injection had been qualified by a
state-licensed physician. All who are participating, she said, "do so
voluntarily, confidentially and have full access to counseling and support
services if they feel it is needed."
Julia Preston, in Manhattan, and Avi Salzman, in
Somers, Conn., contributed reporting for this article.
Connecticut Carries Out Its First Execution in 45 Years, NYT, May, 13, 2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/05/13/nyregion/13cnd-death.html
Texas man apologizes
for crime at execution
Tue May 3, 2005 09:02 PM ET
Reuters
HUNTSVILLE, Texas (Reuters) - A Texas man
apologized for the pain his crime caused his victim's family as he was executed
on Tuesday for a 1997 murder.
Lonnie Pursley, 43, thanked the family of
victim Robert Earl Cook for a poem of forgiveness they sent him shortly before
he received a lethal injection.
"I received your poem and I am very grateful for your forgiveness. I still want
to ask for it anyway," he said to witnesses while strapped to a gurney in the
Texas death chamber.
"I have Jesus in my heart and I am sorry for any pain I caused you."
The poem by Cook's nephew, Jamie Hollis, read in part, "A soul that is lost,
pays no greater cost, than to leave this world, without being forgiven."
"No, not by my family or me, for we forgive," it said.
Pursley was condemned for beating Cook to death near the east Texas town of
Livingston on March 29, 1997, then taking his rings and trading them for drugs.
He was the sixth person put to death this year in Texas, which leads the nation
in capital punishment. The state has four more executions scheduled this year.
Texas has executed 342 people since resuming the death penalty in 1982 after the
U.S. Supreme Court lifted a four-year national ban.
For his final meal, Pursley requested a cheeseburger, four fried pork chops,
french fries, two dinner rolls, a piece of cheesecake and iced tea with sugar.
Texas
man apologizes for crime at execution, R, Tue May 3, 2005 09:02 PM ET,
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=domesticNews&storyID=8379297
Connecticut
serial killer's execution date moved
Mon May 2, 2005 06:16 PM ET
Reuters
HARTFORD, Conn. (Reuters) - Connecticut's
highest court on Monday pushed back by two days the scheduled execution of a
convicted serial killer who would be the first person put to death in New
England in 45 years.
The Connecticut Supreme Court moved Michael Ross' execution date to May 13 from
May 11, citing a procedural issue.
Ross, who admitted to killing eight women in the 1980s, has waived all remaining
appeals and says he wants his death to give closure to his victims' families.
A judge last month ruled Ross was mentally competent when he decided to forgo
his appeals and be put to death. But an appeal has been filed to that ruling,
and the top court changed the execution date to comply with a mandatory 20-day
appeal period.
The appeal was filed by Thomas Groark, a Hartford attorney who has argued that
Ross is incompetent to waive all appeals and be executed.
The court also agreed to hear oral arguments on Thursday regarding Groark's
appeal.
Ross was originally set to die in January, but appeals have delayed his
execution several times.
In March, convicted killer and rapist Sedrick Cobb became the second inmate on
Connecticut's death row after Ross to waive his appeals and volunteer to be put
to death.
Connecticut serial killer's execution date moved, Mon May 2, 2005 06:16 PM ET,
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml;jsessionid=0OXAGPNBGDYDYCRBAEOCFFA?type=domesticNews&storyID=8365176
Massachusetts Governor
Urges Death Penalty
April 29, 2005
The New York Times
By PAM BELLUCK
BOSTON, April 28
- Gov. Mitt Romney introduced a bill on Thursday that would bring back capital
punishment to Massachusetts, and would do so by creating a death penalty that he
said was virtually foolproof.
The bill includes several provisions that have never been tried in any other
state. It would require that there be "conclusive scientific evidence," like DNA
or fingerprints, to link a defendant to a crime. And it would allow a death
penalty to be imposed only if a sentencing jury finds there is "no doubt" about
a defendant's guilt, a standard that is stricter than "beyond a reasonable
doubt."
"To the extent that is humanly possible," Mr. Romney said at a news conference,
"this would not ever result in a questionable execution."
The bill, which would reinstate the death penalty in a state that abolished it
in 1984, would restrict capital punishment to murders that involve terrorism,
prolonged torture, multiple killings, or the killing of police officers, judges,
witnesses or others involved in the criminal justice system. Defendants who had
previously been convicted of first-degree murder or were serving life sentences
without parole would also be eligible.
Another unprecedented provision would give the defendant the option of having
two juries - one for the trial and one for the sentencing. That would allow a
defendant to plead not guilty before the trial jury, but, once convicted, to
admit guilt and show remorse before the sentencing jury in hopes of getting more
lenient treatment.
Mr. Romney's bill also includes a requirement that defendants get at least two
and possibly three lawyers, that scientific evidence be examined by a review
board, that every death sentence be reviewed by the state's highest court, and
that a special panel be set up to handle complaints.
Mr. Romney said he hoped the safeguards in his bill would convince legislators
who are "on the fence" about the death penalty that "if you commit a heinous
crime of this nature, the ultimate price will have to be paid by you."
The governor, a Republican, faces an uphill fight in a largely Democratic
Legislature, whose members, many of them committed Roman Catholics, have
defeated efforts by three other Republican governors to reinstate capital
punishment. In light of that, Mr. Romney, who is widely believed to have
national political ambitions, may intend his death penalty bill for a different
audience as well: conservatives outside his state who are pivotal in Republican
Party politics.
The bill grew out of recommendations made by a commission Mr. Romney appointed
in 2003 to study the issue. Mr. Romney said he waited to introduce it because
last year's legislative session was too short to allow a full debate, but the
timing also dovetails with his decision to take public positions on other moral
issues like stem cell research.
Indeed Mr. Romney said that he believed his proposal "is not only right for
Massachusetts, but it's a model for the nation."
But proponents and opponents outside Massachusetts said they thought it was
unlikely that many states would follow Mr. Romney's model, especially any of the
38 states that have the death penalty.
"It's better than nothing, and right now you got nothing" in Massachusetts, said
Kent Scheiddeger, legal director of the Criminal Justice Legal Foundation, a
pro-death penalty group in Sacramento. "I think it's a reasonable proposal in a
state that currently has no death penalty, and it may be a model for other such
states. But I would very much doubt that any state that presently has the death
penalty would go that way."
James S. Liebman, a Columbia University law professor who studies the death
penalty and is personally opposed to it, noted that in recent years, death
sentences have steadily declined.
For states without the death penalty that decided to adopt one, "if you want to
reduce the amount of risk that the sentence poses to the execution of innocent
people and other kinds of injustices, this is the way you would do it," Mr.
Liebman said.
But he said Mr. Romney's proposal would be very expensive, with the cost of
extra lawyers and commissions and juries, and would result in few death
sentences. "Do you want to spend tens of millions every year when what you might
get is one execution every 15 years?" he asked.
Mr. Romney said spending money on his plan would be a "high priority" because he
believes that such a system would "have a deterrent effect and will save lives."
Opponents said his plan would not deter murderers. State Representative Michael
E. Festa, a Democrat, noted that Mr. Romney said his law would apply to a case
like the recent courthouse killings in Atlanta. "Georgia is a death penalty
state," Mr. Festa said, "and the man who committed that crime was not at all
deterred by the death penalty statute."
One legislative supporter, Representative James E. Vallee, a Democrat, said the
bill might have more support than previous attempts.
"Everyone tells me that the votes aren't there," Mr. Vallee said, "but I think
it's premature to really judge."
Massachusetts Governor
Urges Death Penalty, NYT, 29.4.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/04/29/national/29death.html
New York Assembly Democrats
Close Off Death
Penalty for 2005
April 13, 2005
The New York Times
By PATRICK D. HEALY
ALBANY, April 12 - Democrats in the State
Assembly closed the door Tuesday on reviving the death penalty in New York State
this year, handing a significant victory to opponents of capital punishment who
are trying to build national momentum.
Barring a long-shot procedural maneuver by Assembly Republicans, the state's
death penalty law now appears likely to stay off the books for some years to
come. New York's top court struck down the law in June, finding a central
element of its sentencing provisions unconstitutional, and Democratic resistance
is unlikely to change soon because of entrenched incumbency in Albany.
New York now joins a handful of states where politicians have stepped away from
death penalty laws that their predecessors passed after the United States
Supreme Court restored capital punishment in 1976. Thirty-eight states have
enacted capital punishment since then, the most recent being New York in 1995,
although no one was executed under the law.
"This is a historic step by New York, which is the first state in a long, long
time to scrutinize the death penalty with public hearings, debate it, and then
essentially reject it," said Richard Dieter, executive director of Death Penalty
Information Center, a nonprofit group that has been critical of capital
punishment in practice.
Opponents from around the nation helped pack a Capitol hearing room on Tuesday
to mark the vote by a powerful Assembly committee that effectively killed the
legislation. Afterward, they hailed it as a signal moment in the legal and
political battles around the issue, noting that some lawmakers who voted for the
1995 law had now changed their minds, citing fairness and fallibility, a shift
they hope to encourage elsewhere.
"There is going to be a ripple effect coming out of Albany against capital
punishment, no question," said Shari Silberstein, who attended the hearings and
is co-director of the Quixote Center, a group that describes itself as
faith-based and is pressing for moratoriums on executions. "When a major state
like New York moves away from the death penalty, other states take notice and
ask questions of their own."
The defeat at Democrats' hands could also inject an uncertain political element
into the 2006 races for governor and the Legislature in New York. George E.
Pataki proved the emotional appeal of the death penalty in 1994 when he beat
Gov. Mario M. Cuomo in part by promising voters that he, unlike Mr. Cuomo, would
sign a capital punishment law.
Mr. Pataki, a Republican who plans to disclose by summer if he will seek a
fourth term, said on Tuesday that it was "outrageous" for Democrats to derail
the death penalty in a committee.
"The Assembly leadership's 'so what' attitude toward criminals, whether they're
sex offenders, deadly drivers, or heinous murderers, is simply shameful," Mr.
Pataki said.
The leader of the Assembly Republicans, Charles H. Nesbitt, said the fight was
not over, suggesting that the Republican Party might try to attach a death
penalty amendment to an unrelated bill in hopes of forcing a floor vote. While
Republicans predicted tough going, they also said they could threaten to use the
issue as an election-year wedge.
The likely Democratic nominee for governor, Attorney General Eliot Spitzer, also
supports the death penalty, but it is unclear whether he would be drawn into a
showdown on the issue. Darren Dopp, a spokesman for Mr. Spitzer, said yesterday
that the attorney general would not comment.
Lawmakers in Connecticut, Nebraska and New Mexico have tried to overhaul or
repeal their death penalty laws in recent years, but none have gone as far as
the Assembly in effectively consigning the law to limbo for the time being. A
moratorium is in place in Illinois, and a lawsuit aimed at the Kansas law is in
the courts.
The Assembly's action on Tuesday came at a half-hour meeting of the Codes
Committee, which voted 11 to 7 against allowing a full Assembly vote on a bill
to adjust the death penalty law and satisfy the constitutional objections of the
State Court of Appeals. The State Senate approved a virtually identical bill in
March by a vote of 37 to 22, and Mr. Pataki had pledged to sign the legislation.
The 11 nays came from Democrats; the committee's four Republicans and three
other Democrats voted to send the bill to the floor of the Assembly, where it
was likely to have faced a close vote.
"The death penalty is, in effect, killed for this year," said Assemblyman Joseph
R. Lentol, a Brooklyn Democrat who is chairman of the committee.
A fiery 20-minute debate among committee members preceded the vote, although its
brevity contrasted with the 40 hours of emotional testimony at five public
hearings held by the committee and two other panels this winter.
Assemblyman Mark Weprin, a Queens Democrat, said he could not support the death
penalty when he believed that there were innocent people on death row.
"I just don't know how you explain that to a mother whose child is completely
innocent and who is murdered by the state for something they didn't do," Mr.
Weprin said.
That remark drew a measure of scorn from a Republican on the committee, David R.
Townsend Jr., who implored the panel to permit all Assembly members to have a
chance to vote.
"I would say to you, Mark, and everybody here, what do we say to the innocent
wife, mother, son, daughter, husband of the innocent police officer, the
innocent firefighter, the innocent corrections officer, the innocent parole
officer, the innocent E.M.S. person, whose had their life needlessly taken in a
homicide?" Mr. Townsend said.
Mr. Lentol, mindful that the Legislature once regularly sent death penalty bills
to Mr. Cuomo only to see them vetoed, assured his colleagues that the debate was
sure to continue.
"The nature of politics being what it is, it will be brought up again and again
for years to come," Mr. Lentol said.
New
York Assembly Democrats Close Off Death Penalty for 2005, NYT, April 13, 2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/04/13/nyregion/13death.html
Colorado Court Bars Execution
Because
Jurors Consulted Bible
March 29, 2005
The New York Times
By KIRK JOHNSON
DENVER, March 28 - In a sharply divided ruling,
Colorado's highest court on Monday upheld a lower court's decision throwing out
the sentence of a man who was given the death penalty after jurors consulted the
Bible in reaching a verdict. The Bible, the court said, constituted an improper
outside influence and a reliance on what the court called a "higher authority."
"The judicial system works very hard to emphasize the rarified, solemn and
sequestered nature of jury deliberations," the majority said in a 3-to-2
decision by a panel of the Colorado Supreme Court. "Jurors must deliberate in
that atmosphere without the aid or distraction of extraneous texts."
The ruling involved the conviction of Robert Harlan, who was found guilty in
1995 of raping and murdering a cocktail waitress near Denver. After Mr. Harlan's
conviction, the judge in the case - as Colorado law requires - sent the jury off
to deliberate about the death penalty with an instruction to think beyond the
narrow confines of the law. Each juror, the judge told the panel, must make an
"individual moral assessment," in deciding whether Mr. Harlan should live.
The jurors voted unanimously for death. The State Supreme Court's decision
changes that sentence to life in prison without parole.
In the decision on Monday, the dissenting judges said the majority had confused
the internal codes of right and wrong that juries are expected to possess in
such weighty moral matters with the outside influences that are always to be
avoided, like newspaper articles or television programs about the case. The
jurors consulted Bibles, the minority said, not to look for facts or alternative
legal interpretations, but for wisdom.
"The biblical passages the jurors discussed constituted either a part of the
jurors' moral and religious precepts or their general knowledge, and thus were
relevant to their court-sanctioned moral assessment," the minority wrote.
Legal experts said that Colorado was unusual in its language requiring jurors in
capital felony cases to explicitly consult a moral compass. Most states that
have restored the death penalty weave in a discussion of moral factors, lawyers
said, along with the burden that jurors must decide whether aggravating factors
outweigh mitigating factors in voting on execution.
"In Colorado it's a more distinct instruction," said Bob Grant, who was the
prosecutor in the Harlan case. Mr. Grant said no decision had been made yet on
whether to appeal to the United States Supreme Court.
Legal scholars say the connection between hard legal logic and the softer,
deeper world of values is always present in jury rooms, whether acknowledged or
not.
"The court says we're asking you to be moral men and women, to make a moral
judgment of the right thing to do," said Thane Rosenbaum, a professor of law at
Fordham University School of Law in New York City, and author of the book "The
Myth of Moral Justice: Why Our Legal System Fails to Do What's Right"
(HarperCollins, 2004). "But then we say the juror cheated because he brought in
a book that forms the basis of his moral universe," Professor Rosenbaum said.
"The thing is, he would have done it anyway, in his head."
Other legal experts say the Colorado decision touches on an issue that courts do
not like to talk about: that jurors, under traditions dating to the days of
English common law, can consider higher authority all they want, and can convict
or acquit using whatever internal thoughts and discussions they consider
appropriate.
In this instance, lawyers said, there was simply a clearer trail of evidence,
with admissions by the jurors during Mr. Harlan's appeal that Bibles had been
used in their discussion. One juror testified she studied Romans and Leviticus,
including Leviticus 24, which includes the famous articulation of Old Testament
justice: "eye for eye, tooth for tooth."
Professor Howard J. Vogel, who teaches ethics at Hamline University School of
Law in St. Paul and has a master's degree in theology as well as a law degree,
said, "I don't think it's a religious text that's the problem here, but rather
whether something is being used that trumps the law of the state."
The Bible is hardly monolithic about what constitutes justice. Some legal
experts say the jurors might just as easily have found guidance that led them to
vote to spare Mr. Harlan's life. Lawyers for Mr. Harlan also specifically urged
the jurors to consider biblical wisdom, according to the Supreme Court's
decision, with a request that they find mercy in their hearts "as God ultimately
took mercy on Abraham."
The lawyers also made several references to Mr. Harlan's soul and his habit of
reading the Bible with his father, the court said.
Kathleen Lord, a lawyer for Mr. Harlan, did not return repeated calls.
Mr. Harlan was convicted of kidnapping a waitress, Rhonda Maloney, and raping
her. She escaped and flagged down a motorist, Jaquie Creazzo. Mr. Harlan caught
up with the two women, shot Ms. Creazzo, leaving her paralyzed, then beat and
killed Ms. Maloney.
Colorado Court Bars Execution Because Jurors Consulted Bible, NYT, 29.3.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/29/national/29bible.html?hp&ex=1112072400&en=bbb3fbd948923fc6&ei=5094&partner=homepage
Bishops Fight Death Penalty
in New Drive
March 22, 2005
By NEELA BANERJEE
The New York Time
WASHINGTON, March 21 - The country's Roman
Catholic bishops on Monday announced a more prominent effort to bar the death
penalty, saying they hoped to build on a continuing shift in public opinion, and
among Catholics in particular, against capital punishment.
The United States Conference of Catholic Bishops staked out a comprehensive
position against the death penalty 25 years ago. But Cardinal Theodore
McCarrick, the archbishop of Washington, D.C., said the conference was beginning
a campaign for "greater urgency and unity, increased energy and advocacy."
"We cannot teach killing is wrong by killing," Cardinal McCarrick said at a news
conference here. "We cannot defend life by taking life."
Already, clergy members who were successful at mobilizing Catholics on other
issues, like opposition to abortion, have sounded a call to fight the death
penalty. Archbishop Charles J. Chaput of Colorado, for example, who told voters
during the 2004 presidential campaign that abortion was a "foundational" issue,
wrote in a recent article in a Catholic newsletter that "we need to end the
death penalty now."
John Carr, the director of social development for the conference, said Catholics
were taking their campaign to the state level, pointing to efforts to halt the
reinstatement of capital punishment in Massachusetts and a continuing drive to
overturn the death penalty in New Mexico.
Some experts on the church, like Father Richard John Neuhaus, editor of the
ecumenical magazine First Things, said they doubted that capital punishment
would galvanize conservative Catholics to the extent that abortion and same-sex
marriage have. Nor is the church's stance on capital punishment as absolute as
it is on abortion. The church unconditionally opposes abortion, for example, but
it says the state has the right to execute a prisoner if there is no other way
to defend society.
The bishops, however, produced polling to show that they are already gaining in
public opinion. A survey of nearly 1,800 Catholics conducted this month by Zogby
International Polling and commissioned by the conference showed a drop in the
percentage of those who supported the death penalty.
For years, surveys have shown that more than 60 percent of Catholics favored
capital punishment, including polls taken in late 2003, said John Zogby, the
president of the polling company.
But in two recent Zogby polls, one in November 2004 and the one this month,
Catholics were evenly split. The latest poll, which had a margin of sampling
error of 3 percent, showed that 48.5 percent of respondents supported the death
penalty and that 48.4 percent did not.
Bishops Fight Death Penalty in New Drive, NYT, 22.3.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/22/politics/22bishop.html?8br
The California judge in the trial of Scott
Peterson
said on March 16, 2005
he agreed that the former fertilizer salesman
should be sentenced to death for
the murder of his wife and unborn son
in a case that attracted nationwide attention.
Superior Court Judge Alfred
Delucchi
was to formally sentence Peterson on Wednesday
after hearing from family members.
Peterson is seen in this July 29 file photo.
Photo by Pool/Reuters.
California Judge Sentences Scott Peterson to Die
R, Wed Mar 16, 2005 03:04 PM
ET
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=topNews&storyID=7923573
California Judge
Sentences Scott Peterson
to Die
Wed Mar 16, 2005 03:04 PM ET
Reuters
REDWOOD CITY, Calif. (Reuters) - A California
judge on Wednesday sentenced former fertilizer salesman Scott Peterson to death
for the murder of his wife and unborn son in a case that attracted nationwide
attention.
Superior Court Judge Alfred Delucchi sentenced Peterson after calling him
"cruel, uncaring, heartless and callous."
Earlier, the family of his wife, Laci, condemned the prisoner emotionally,
prompting Scott Peterson's parents to leave the courtroom.
"Now, Scott Peterson, I say this to you: you deserve to burn in hell for all
eternity," Laci Peterson's mother Sharon Rocha told Peterson during her
victim-impact testimony. "You deserve to be put to death as soon as possible."
After a half-year trial, a jury in November convicted Peterson, of Modesto,
California, of killing his pregnant, 27-year-old wife and their unborn son on
Christmas Eve 2002.
The case, with revelations of Peterson's extramarital trysts, deception and
cold-blooded murder, generated saturation cable and local television coverage as
well as related books.
Peterson, 32, showed little emotion on Wednesday, a cool composure he maintained
throughout the trial. At one point he shook his head from side to side to
indicate "no" when his mother-in-law said he had murdered Laci Peterson.
The judge also rejected a defense request for a new trial.
Reporters, attorneys, members of the jury and law enforcement officials fought
back tears as family members openly sobbed during the 80-minute proceedings.
At one point Sharon Rocha told Peterson what she imagined were the dying
thoughts of her daughter and grandson.
"Scott, I want to live, I don't want to die. You deserve to die, Scott," Rocha
said. "I think of Conner saying: 'Daddy, why are you killing mommy and me,
daddy, please don't kill us. I promise I won't take her away from you. Daddy,
please don't, stop."'
Prosecutors say Peterson murdered his eight-months pregnant wife and dumped her
body into the San Francisco Bay to maintain his independent lifestyle. The badly
mutilated bodies washed up months later, prompting police to arrest Peterson.
"You're stupid to believe that murder was the only way out of marriage," Rocha
told Peterson.
At one point, Scott Peterson's father shouted out "you're a liar" as one of Laci
Peterson's brothers addressed the court. The judge, who did not allow Scott
Peterson's family to give a witness impact statement, warned that anyone
shouting out would be removed from the courtroom.
Authorities will transfer Peterson within 10 days to the state's only death row
at San Quentin Prison, north of San Francisco, where he will join 643 others
awaiting execution.
The lengthy appeals process in California means it could take two decades before
prison officials strap Peterson to a cot to administer a fatal combination of
chemicals.
California Judge Sentences Scott Peterson to Die, R, Wed Mar 16, 2005 03:04 PM
ET,
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=topNews&storyID=7923573
Oklahoman Executed
Despite 'Brain
Fingerprinting'
Tue Mar 15, 2005 09:40 PM ET
By Ben Fenwick
MCALESTER, Oklahoma (Reuters) - An Oklahoma
man who tried to prove his innocence through a little-known procedure called
"brain fingerprinting" was executed by lethal injection on Tuesday for the 1991
murder of a woman and her daughter.
Jimmy Ray Slaughter, 57, insisted he was not guilty even as the mix of lethal
chemicals was injected into his arms at the Oklahoma State Penitentiary in
McAlester.
"I've been accused of murder and it's not true. It was a lie from the
beginning," he said while strapped to a gurney in the Oklahoma death chamber.
"You people will know it's true some day. May god have mercy on your souls."
Slaughter sighed heavily as the chemicals flowed into his body and his face lost
all color. He was pronounced dead in the first execution this year in Oklahoma.
Slaughter was condemned for the July 2, 1991, murders of his girlfriend Melody
Wuertz, 29, and their 11-month-old daughter, Jessica, whom he killed in a fit of
anger when Wuertz filed a paternity suit against him, prosecutors said.
Slaughter tried to get his conviction overturned by submitting to a "brain
fingerprinting" test by Seattle-based neuroscientist Larry Farwell.
In the procedure, which the Harvard-educated Farwell says is accurate but has
yet to gain much legal acceptance, the suspect is fitted with a headband-like
sensor device, then shown photographs and other evidence from the crime scene.
Seeing something familiar is said to trigger brain waves of recognition, which
the sensor detects and flashes on a computer screen.
Farwell told the Oklahoma Pardon and Parole Board in February that test results
indicated Slaughter had not committed the crime, but the board members refused
to grant him clemency. His fate was sealed when U.S. Supreme Court rejected his
appeal on Tuesday.
Slaughter's three daughters from an earlier marriage witnessed the execution and
wept as they watched their father die. He raised his head before the chemicals
took hold and tried to comfort them, saying, "It's OK, it's OK, I love you."
Slaughter was the 76th person executed in Oklahoma since the state resumed
capital punishment in 1991, 15 years after the U.S. Supreme Court lifted a
national death penalty ban.
For his final meal, he requested fried chicken, mashed potatoes, cole slaw,
biscuits, apple pie and cherry limeade.
Oklahoman Executed Despite 'Brain Fingerprinting', R, Tue Mar 15, 2005 09:40 PM
ET,
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml;jsessionid=KVH53ZBSJ3EYGCRBAE0CFEY?type=domesticNews&storyID=7912742
Case Stirs
Fight on Jews, Juries and
Execution
March 16, 2005
By DEAN E. MURPHY
New York Times
AKLAND, Calif., March 15 - The convictions of
dozens of death-row inmates in California are coming under legal scrutiny
because of accusations that Jews and black women were excluded from juries in
capital trials in Alameda County as "standard practice."
A former Alameda prosecutor, John R. Quatman, made the contentions in a sworn
declaration in the habeas corpus case of Fred H. Freeman. Mr. Freeman is a
condemned inmate who is seeking to overturn his conviction in 1987 in a killing
and robbery at a bar in Berkeley.
Mr. Quatman, who worked for 26 years as a deputy district attorney and
prosecuted the case, said the trial judge, Stanley Golde, advised him during
jury selection that "no Jew would vote to send a defendant to the gas chamber."
"Judge Golde was only telling me what I already should have known to do," Mr.
Quatman's statement said. "It was standard practice to exclude Jewish jurors in
death cases."
Mr. Quatman said the practice extended to African-American women, who have also
been widely considered sympathetic to defendants, though in Mr. Freeman's case
that has not been an issue.
Alameda County officials strongly disputed the claims, with the man who was
district attorney in 1987 calling the accusations dishonest.
The United States Supreme Court has ruled that it is illegal to reject jurors on
the basis of race, and the California Supreme Court in 1978 extended that
prohibition to religion. While habeas corpus petitions typically challenge trial
procedures, it is highly unusual for the prosecutor in a case to support the
petition. A hearing on Mr. Quatman's accusation, which State Supreme Court
ordered in July, is scheduled for Tuesday in Superior Court in San Jose.
If Mr. Freeman's lawyers succeed, he would get a new trial. But the
repercussions are possibly much broader. Forty-four people from Alameda County
are on death row, and Judge Golde, who died in 1998 after 25 years on the bench,
presided over more death penalty cases in the county than any other judge. At
least eight inmates now on death row had trials conducted by Judge Golde.
"It is highly likely that this is going to be a recurring problem for Alameda
County cases, and it could show up elsewhere," said Nathan Barankin, a spokesman
for the state attorney general's office, is representing the county. "Legal
arguments are not a fad for capital defendants. They are used until the law is
settled."
Stefanie Faucher, program director for Death Penalty Focus, a group in San
Francisco against capital punishment, said the accusations cast a shadow over
death-penalty convictions statewide. California, with 640 inmates awaiting
execution, has the largest death row in the nation.
"It is naïve to assume these practices only occurred in Alameda County,
especially when district attorneys from across the state frequently get together
to share theories," Ms. Faucher said. "We don't really know how many people were
wrongfully convicted, not just because they are innocent, but because they
didn't receive a fair trial."
Defense lawyers and groups opposing death penalty are combing county death-row
files for evidence of possible bias involving black women and Jewish jurors.
Already, Mr. Quatman's declaration is being used in the appeal of another
condemned Alameda inmate, Mark Schmeck.
At Mr. Schmeck's trial in 1989, prosecutors used peremptory challenges to remove
the two prospective Jewish jurors, court papers show. His lawyers protested, but
the judge, who was not Mr. Golde, sided with the prosecution, which said there
were reasons other than religion for excluding the two.
As part of the appeal, Mr. Schmeck's lawyers and the Habeas Corpus Resource
Center, a group that represents Mr. Freeman, reviewed jury selection in 25
capital trials in Alameda from 1984 to 1994. The review found that 12 people who
identified themselves as Jews were called to the jury box and that the
prosecution rejected all 12.
The review found, 17 people who had surnames perceived as Jewish were called,
with the prosecution excluding 15 . Over all, the review found non-Jews excluded
at a rate of 49.97 percent, and Jews and people with Jewish surnames were
excluded at a rate of 93.10 percent.
In papers in Mr. Schmeck's case, his lawyers state that another ex-Alameda
prosecutor, Alex Selvin, confirmed that "it was the standard practice for
attorneys on the capital team to exclude Jews from capital juries." Mr. Selvin
did not make a sworn declaration.
"Judge Golde was unique in the sense that he would say what was on his mind in
the chambers," a lawyer for Mr. Schmeck, Lawrence A. Gibbs, said. "But he was
just simply giving voice to a practice that was occurring in all of the courts."
The accusations stunned the legal community in Alameda County, where Judge Golde
was dean of Superior Court jurists and where the prosecutor's office has
considered itself a model operation since the time of Earl Warren, district
attorney for three terms in the 1920's and 30's.
In papers filed with the Supreme Court, John J. Meehan, who was district
attorney at the time of Mr. Freeman's trial, said there was no practice of
excluding jurors on ethnic or religious grounds.
"Our lawyers were trained to the contrary, that it was misconduct and unlawful
for them to remove prospective jurors solely because they were members of a
legally cognizable group," said Mr. Meehan, who retired in 1995.
James H. Anderson, a 35-year veteran of the office who retired last year as
assistant district attorney for death penalty cases, said in a telephone
interview that Mr. Quatman's accusations were laughable and that many
prospective jurors, including Jews and blacks, were excluded because of
backgrounds, professions and political beliefs.
"That is not a racist thing, but just common sense," Mr. Anderson said. "It is
an axiom. It is not because of prejudice. Their politics are not going to be on
your side."
Mr. Anderson suggested that Mr. Quatman might be seeking revenge against the
district attorney's office, which he said Mr. Quatman had left after having been
removed from the trial staff after "a major falling out" over a disciplinary
case that involved an insult to a co-worker.
Mr. Quatman, who left the office in 1998 and is now a lawyer in Montana,
declined to comment. In his declaration, he said Judge Golde had asked him in
chambers why he had not removed a prospective Jewish juror.
"He said I could not have a Jew on the jury and asked me if I was aware that
when Adolf Eichmann was apprehended after World War II there was a major
controversy in Israel over whether he should be executed," Mr. Quatman said in
his declaration. "Judge Golde said no Jew would vote to send a defendant to the
gas chamber. I thanked Judge Golde for his advice and thereafter excused any
prospective juror who was Jewish."
One of Judge Golde's two sons, Matthew, is a deputy district attorney in
Alameda. The other, Ivan, is a lawyer in Oakland. Both said they were suspicious
of Mr. Quatman's timing, because their father was not able to defend himself.
The Goldes said their father was opposed to the death penalty, in part because
of Jewish religious teachings. He was a member of Temple Sinai in Oakland.
"It is something he had to philosophically struggle with and come to grips
with," Matthew Golde said. "I remember having conversations with him about it.
He felt it was his duty as a judge."
Mr. Anderson said the judge's chambers were a popular gathering place because he
was a mentor to many lawyers. Mr. Anderson said he frequently heard Judge Golde
give advice to prosecutors and defense lawyers about picking juries, but never
during a trial and never about a particular juror.
"When I was a young D.A., he would tell me, 'If you have a cop case, be careful
of blacks on the jury, because they don't like cops,' " Mr. Anderson said. "I
heard him tell defense lawyers: 'Be careful of Asians. They are very
law-and-order oriented.' "
Daniel Horowitz, a defense lawyer here who has handled more than a dozen death
penalty cases in 20 years, said he had spoken with Mr. Quatman about his
conversation with Judge Golde. Mr. Horowitz said Mr. Quatman related a much more
casual exchange than the one reflected in the declaration.
"Everyone knows that Stanley would not do what Jack put in the declaration," Mr.
Horowitz said.
Cliff Gardner, a lawyer for Mr. Schmeck, said the statistics from the 10-year
review of the capital trials spoke for themselves. A declaration in Mr.
Schmeck's appeal by a mathematician, Philip Farmer, states that the probability
in those cases of the prosecution randomly striking 27 of 29 Jews is less than 1
in 1.6 million.
Case
Stirs Fight on Jews, Juries and Execution, NYT, 3.6.2005,
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/16/national/16juries.html
An end to killing kids, E, 2.3.2005
http://www.economist.com/agenda/displayStory.cfm?story_id=3714479
An end to killing kids
Mar 2nd 2005
From The Economist Global Agenda
America’s Supreme Court has abolished
the death penalty for those under 18
when they committed their crimes.
It is just another nibble at the edge of
still-popular capital punishment
—but does it show that America can sometimes be
swayed by world opinion?
WHICH country seems the odd one out in this
list: China, Congo, Iran, Nigeria, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen and the United
States? These eight countries are the only ones in the world that, since 1990,
have executed citizens who were under 18 when they committed their crimes. Now,
at last, the world’s self-proclaimed beacon of freedom will be able to take
itself off the list. On Tuesday March 1st, America’s Supreme Court ruled, by
five votes to four, that putting to death those who were minors at the time of
their crimes is unconstitutional. The move reprieves 72 juvenile offenders on
death row.
Of course, the death penalty will remain in place for convicted murderers in
America. Indeed, it remains popular—two-thirds of Americans support it (though
this number drops to half when life imprisonment without parole is offered as an
alternative). Despite this week’s ruling, America is clearly still out of step
with most of the countries it considers its friends.
More than half of the world’s countries have either abolished the death penalty
for normal crimes or have imposed moratoriums, according to Amnesty
International, a non-governmental organisation that campaigns against capital
punishment. These include all but two countries in Europe and Central Asia
(Belarus and Uzbekistan), as well as both of America’s neighbours, Canada and
Mexico, and like-minded countries such as Australia and New Zealand. Among large
democracies, only India, South Korea and Japan still practise capital
punishment. But it is rare in those places. According to Amnesty, in 2003, 84%
of the world’s known executions took place in just four countries: China, Iran,
Vietnam and America.
Though America’s polls do not show it, the tide may be creeping against the
death penalty. One reason to think it will not last forever is that in most of
the countries where it has been abolished, a majority of the public remained in
favour of keeping it at the time. In most cases, crime rates failed to shoot up
after abolition—thus putting paid to the argument for execution as
deterrence—and populations came to believe that judicial killing was wrong under
any circumstances. Only one formerly abolitionist country has resumed
executions—the Philippines—though it has since suspended them again.
A second trend is the gradual nibbling away at the death penalty within America
itself. In 2002, the Supreme Court ruled that most Americans now regarded the
mentally retarded as “categorically less culpable than the average criminal”,
and banned executing them. Ten years earlier, Bill Clinton, then a presidential
candidate, had burnished his law-and-order credentials by letting the execution
of a retarded man go ahead in Arkansas, where he was governor. But more
recently, another governor with a national profile, George Ryan of Illinois, put
a moratorium on his state’s use of the death penalty, and later granted clemency
to all prisoners on death row. He was concerned about the number of inmates
exonerated by DNA evidence after already having been sentenced to die.
A third trend against the death penalty in America is the increasing attention
paid to moral views elsewhere. In the Supreme Court’s majority opinion, written
by Justice Anthony Kennedy, the court acknowledged “the overwhelming weight of
international opinion against the juvenile death penalty”. While the court
explicitly said that foreign opinions, legal or moral, are not binding in
American law, they were nonetheless “respected and significant confirmation” for
Tuesday’s ruling. Antonin Scalia, the leading conservative on the bench, stoutly
rejected any such notion. “Though the views of our own citizens are essentially
irrelevant to the court's decision today, the views of other countries and the
so-called international community take centre stage,” he raged.
But it is not the first such case. In the 2002
ruling in Lawrence v Texas, the Supreme Court struck down a state statute
forbidding private homosexual conduct. The court ruled that: “Where a case’s
foundations have sustained serious erosion, criticism from other sources is of
greater significance…[T]o the extent Bowers [a previous case that had upheld the
anti-sodomy law] relied on values shared with a wider civilization, the case’s
reasoning and holding have been rejected by the European Court of Human Rights,
and other nations have taken action consistent with an affirmation of the
protected right of homosexual adults to engage in intimate, consensual conduct.”
In other words, courts have previously cited other countries, or sometimes
pre-American traditions, in making their case. The anti-sodomy Bowers decision
had argued that prohibitions on homosexuality went back to biblical times from
which much of Western ethics and morality is drawn. The Lawrence decision
essentially replied that shared tradition is shared tradition, and that if the
rest of the Judeo-Christian world is changing, America should not be blind to
it. But conservatives are bound to be furious when they feel that more liberal
societies’ values are being foisted on a fundamentally different America.
The death penalty is far from dead in America. The capture last weekend in
Kansas of a serial murderer who had taunted his victims’ families and the police
for decades will remind Americans that sometimes evil is just evil.
“Victims-rights” groups remain potent. And anyway America remains happy to swim
against the Western cultural mainstream in a host of areas. At a United Nations
conference this week on women’s rights and health, for instance, the American
delegation insisted that any declaration explicitly rule out the creation of
“new international human rights”, a reference to a putative right to abortion.
America may be happy to differ sharply from the world’s other democracies on
some moral and ethical issues, and this often irritates its closest friends. But
this week’s death-penalty ruling seems to show that even a superpower can
sometimes be swayed, even if just a bit.
Source : An end to killing kids, E, 2.3.2005,
http://www.economist.com/agenda/displayStory.cfm?story_id=3714479
Supreme Court Ruling
May Take Four N.C.
Killers
Off Death Row
POSTED: 6:44 pm EST March 1, 2005
UPDATED: 7:20 pm EST March 1, 2005
Wral.Com
RALEIGH, N.C. -- Four men who were 17 years
old when they committed murder will be removed from North Carolina's death row
following Tuesday's U.S. Supreme Court ruling that it is unconstitutional to
execute underage killers.
In North Carolina, one of the men affected is
among the state's most notorious killers. Kevin Golphin, who is now 25, was
convicted in the 1997 murder of state Highway Patrol Trooper Ed Lowery and
Deputy David Hathcock. Golphin's brother, Tilmon, was also convicted for the
crime.
Golphin and the other three affected by the ruling -- Travis Walters, Thomas
Mark Adams and Lamorris Chapman -- were each 17 years old when they committed
the crimes that landed them on death row. Three of the four are now in their 20s
and one is 34.
Dixie Davis, Lowery's widow, said she does not agree with the Supreme Court's
ruling.
"If I could talk to them, I'd let them know that, 'Have you ever been a victim?
Have you ever had someone in your family killed? Has anyone taken away a
brother, a father, a child,'" she said.
Department of Correction spokeswoman Pamela Walker said all four will be shifted
to other custody once the state receives paperwork detailing the Supreme Court's
ruling.
Walker said their lawyers also must file motions seeking to have their death
sentences overturned, citing the Supreme Court ruling.
The new terms of custody and their sentences, including whether they will be
eligible for parole, will depend on a variety of factors, including when they
were convicted.
Tuesday's ruling involved a Missouri case and affects about 70 cases in 19
states that allow the execution of people whose crimes were committed when they
were under age 18.
Supreme Court Ruling May
Take Four N.C. Killers Off Death Row, Wral.Com, 2.12.2005,
http://www.wral.com/news/4244370/detail.html
Jeff Parker
cartoon
Florida Today / Cagle 3.3.2005
http://www.reuben.org/parkertoons/
John Cole, Durham, NC
cartoon
The Herald-Sun / Cagle 3.3.2005
http://cagle.slate.msn.com/politicalcartoons/PCcartoons/PCbest4.asp
Le condamné Daryl R. Atkins
a-t-il acquis le QI suffisant
pour être
exécuté ?
10 février 2005
Le Monde
Daryl Renard Atkins va-t-il revenir dans le
couloir de la mort ? Une décision de la Cour suprême des Etats-Unis l'en avait
tiré en juin 2002. Ce Noir originaire de Virginie avait échappé à l'injection
létale parce qu'atteint d'un retard mental léger. Mais aujourd'hui, selon
l'accusation, les efforts déployés par le condamné pour se défendre ont
développé au fil des années son intelligence. Au point de le rendre à nouveau
passible de la peine capitale.
Le 16 août 1996, à Yorktown, Daryl R. Atkins, un petit délinquant de 18 ans,
cherche, avec un compagnon de maraude, de l'argent pour se payer une bière. Sous
la menace d'un pistolet, il dérobe 60 dollars à Eric Nesbitt, un militaire âgé
de 21 ans. Il le contraint ensuite à retirer 200 autres dollars d'un
distributeur, le conduit dans une zone déserte et l'abat de huit balles.
En 1998, il est condamné à mort. Le procès révèle que le jeune homme a un QI de
59, soit, selon les experts, celui d'un enfant de 9 à 12 ans. Sa scolarité
calamiteuse confirme ses limites. Le coupable aurait cependant eu conscience de
la gravité de son acte, selon les psychologues consultés. Son cas est soumis à
la Cour suprême. Elle décide en juin 2002, par 6 voix contre 3, que l'exécution
d'une personne atteinte de retard mental est contraire au huitième amendement de
la Constitution, qui proscrit les "châtiments cruels et inhabituels", renversant
ainsi une décision de 1989.
C'est qu'entre-temps le débat a lentement évolué aux Etats-Unis. De plus en plus
de voix s'élèvent pour souhaiter sinon l'abolition, du moins une application
moins systématique de la peine capitale. Grâce à l'arrêt Atkins, des dizaines de
personnes échappent à la mort à travers le pays. La Virginie et la plupart des
Etats fixent alors à 70 le QI minimum pour que la sentence puisse être exécutée.
Tout au long de ces années, Daryl R. Atkins s'est énormément investi.
"Etrangement, en raison de ses contacts permanents avec les avocats qui
travaillaient sur son dossier, M. Atkins a reçu en prison plus de stimulations
intellectuelles qu'il n'en avait jamais eues durant son adolescence et ses
premières années d'adulte, écrit le docteur Evan S. Nelson, psychologue, dans un
rapport publié en novembre 2004. Cela a développé sa capacité à lire et à
écrire, à comprendre les concepts de loi abstraits, à communiquer avec des
spécialistes." Qui plus est, les experts estiment que le QI de l'homme augmente
naturellement de l'ordre de 3 points par décennie et qu'une variation de 5
points peut apparaître d'un test à l'autre.
Des examens ont été réalisés récemment sur Daryl R. Atkins. Son QI a été
réévalué à 76. C'est plus que 70 : la procureure Eileen M. Addison a donc estimé
que rien ne s'opposait plus à l'application de la peine capitale. Un jury a été
convoqué, qui doit évaluer précisément le niveau intellectuel du condamné. Et
décider s'il doit être renvoyé dans l'antichambre de la mort.
Source : Benoît Hopquin,
Le Monde, 10.02.2005,
http://www.lemonde.fr/web/article/0,1-0@2-3208,36-397395,0.html
'Retarded' killer
faces return to death row
after raising IQ
07 February 2005
By Andrew Buncombe in Washington
The Independent
A prisoner, who won a landmark case in which
the US Supreme Court ruled that mentally retarded prisoners could not be
executed, could find himself back on death row because his IQ has improved as a
result of working on his defence.
In an extraordinary reversal of fortune, Daryl Atkins will return to court later
this year where a jury will decide whether he is officially retarded. If the
court decides he is not, Atkins, 27, could be executed by lethal injection in
effect, because of the work he did that resulted in other mentally retarded
prisoners being spared.
Atkins' IQ was first tested in 1998 and was found to stand at 59. But when it
was tested more recently, he scored 76. In Virginia, the level at which the
state differentiates between someone who is retarded and someone who is not is
70.
A report about Atkins recently completed by Evan Nelson, a psychologist who was
hired by the defence, said: "Oddly enough, because of his constant contact with
the many lawyers that worked on his case Mr Atkins received more intellectual
stimulation in prison than he did during his late adolescence and early
adulthood.
"That included practising his reading and writing skills, learning about
abstract legal concepts and communicating with professionals."
Defence lawyers argued last week, before a court hearing in Yorktown, that his
IQ at the age of 18 when he committed the crime for which he was sentenced to
death was much lower. It was unfair, they argued, to judge him according to
his current mental competence now than by the situation when he was convicted.
Atkins was convicted and sentenced to death for abducting and murdering
21-year-old Eric Nesbitt in 1996. Atkins and another man seized Nesbitt, an
airman from Langley Air Force Base, and forced him to withdraw money from a cash
machine before shooting him dead. The murder was recorded on closed-circuit
television.
In 2002, the Supreme Court saved Atkins when it ruled 6-3 that the execution of
retarded prisoners was unconstitutional because it breached the 8th Amendment
which prohibits "cruel and unusual" punishments. Dozens of mentally retarded
prisoners were released from death row as a result.
Justice John Paul Stevens wrote at the time: "Because of their disabilities in
areas of reasoning, judgement, and control of their impulses they do not act
with the level of moral culpability that characterises the most serious adult
criminal conduct. Moreover, their impairments can jeopardise the reliability and
fairness of capital proceedings against mentally retarded defendants." He added:
"We are not persuaded the execution of mentally retarded criminals will
measurably advance the deterrent or the retributive purpose of the death
penalty."
The court had previously declared the execution of the mentally handicapped
legal. But since then, the number of states which have the death penalty that
have banned capital punishment for inmates deemed mentally disabled has risen
from two to18.
In Atkins' case, prosecutors have questioned whether he was ever truly retarded.
The state's lawyer, Eileen Addison, said that his ability to load and use a gun,
and to recognise a cash machine, to direct Mr. Nesbitt to withdraw money and to
identify a remote area for the killing showed that he was not retarded and
proved his competence.
Since 2002, various states across the US have been struggling to interpret the
Supreme Court's ruling. According to the Death Penalty Information Centre, most
have required defendants to show three things: that their IQ is below 75 or 70,
that they lack basic social skills and practical abilities, and that the
conditions existed before they turned 18 years of age.
David Gossett, a lawyer who represents a prisoner in Georgia in a similar
position to Atkins, said: "Prisons are highly structured environments. They're
sometimes good environments for the mentally retarded. These people are not
vegetables they can learn. They are people who can get better at taking
tests."
Source : 'Retarded' killer faces return to death row after raising IQ,
I,7.2.2005,
http://news.independent.co.uk/world/americas/story.jsp?story=608385
Serial Killer's Execution
Postponed Again
Mon Jan 31, 2005 06:07 PM ET
Reuters
By Av Harris
HARTFORD, Conn. (Reuters) - Connecticut
officials put off New England's first execution in 45 years on Monday after
serial killer Michael Ross changed his mind and admitted he may be mentally
incompetent.
Ross' attorney, T.R. Paulding, filed a motion in federal court in Hartford
seeking a stay of the execution, which was scheduled for Monday evening, and
asking for a new hearing to assess the killer's competency.
The motion capped a dramatic 72-hour period that saw Ross come within 90 minutes
of being executed early on Saturday, only to have Paulding ask for a delay,
citing a potential conflict of interest.
Connecticut officials announced that Ross' execution, which had been rescheduled
for 9 p.m. EST on Monday, was postponed again because of the motion.
"There will be no execution this evening," said Connecticut Attorney General
Richard Blumenthal.
"We've said from the outset that Michael Ross can halt the process by exercising
his legal rights as he's now done," Blumenthal added. "The law leaves us
absolutely no choice."
Chief State's Attorney Christopher Morano said it was too soon to speculate when
the state would seek to reschedule the execution because it would hinge on the
outcome of the competency hearing.
Ross, 45, admitted killing eight women in the 1980s and was arrested in 1984
after a three-year spree of rapes and murders. Last year, he waived all
remaining appeals, saying he wanted to be put to death to give closure to his
victims' families.
Third parties, including his father and Connecticut public defenders, sought to
have his execution delayed on the grounds he was not competent to waive his
appeals.
The Cornell University-educated Ross fought those efforts in court and had
argued he was fully competent to forgo his appeal. The motion Paulding filed on
Monday suggested he had changed his mind.
"At this time, Michael Ross is willing to acknowledge that an additional
assessment of his competency ... is both merited, and necessary, before he is
permitted to forgo his appeals and be executed by the State of Connecticut," the
motion said.
Gerard Smyth, the state's chief public defender who had been fighting since last
month to have the execution put off, told Reuters, "I consider this a validation
of everything we've been saying since December 1, 2004."
EXECUTIONS RARE IN NEW ENGLAND
Ross' looming execution has sparked much public debate in the Northeast United
States, where executions are rare. Most executions in America take place in
Southern states.
Connecticut lawmakers held a hearing on Monday on legislation that would commute
death sentences in the state.
State Gov. Jodi Rell has vowed to veto any bill that would abolish capital
punishment, and a recent poll by Quinnipiac University showed most Connecticut
voters supported the death penalty.
Rell, a Republican, said in a statement on Monday that Ross' crimes were "so
repugnant to society as to warrant the death penalty."
"When the process of the competency hearing is complete, assuming he is found
competent and there are no further legal impediments, the state should move
forward with his execution," Rell added.
On Friday, a federal judge threatened to seize Paulding's law license if
evidence emerged after the execution that Ross was indeed incompetent. Hours
later, Paulding requested a two-day delay of the execution. (Additional
reporting by Greg Frost and Daisuke Wakabayashi)
Serial Killer's Execution Postponed Again, R, Mon Jan 31, 2005 06:07 PM ET,
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml;jsessionid=UIW1QBVMCXZPGCRBAE0CFFA?type=domesticNews&storyID=7490714
'I never let them get to me'
says Scot who spent 18 years
on death row in America
He came within hours of being
executed,
but Kenneth Richey never stopped
maintaining his innocence.
In an
exclusive interview,
the man whose has been backed by the Pope,
Hollywood stars
and now a US judge tells Sophie Goodchild
of the terrible conditions he endured
in prison,
what helped him to survive,
and what he plans to do when he finally
gets out
30 January 2005
The Independent
A Briton who faced the death
sentence for 18 years in an American jail has spoken for the first time of his
harrowing ordeal, saying he was "treated like an animal" for a crime he did not
commit.
In an exclusive interview with
The Independent on Sunday, Kenneth Richey, whose sentence was finally quashed
last week after a campaign backed by the Pope, Hollywood stars and Tony Blair,
revealed he had been shackled and handcuffed for 23 hours a day as he faced
death by lethal injection.
Mr Richey, now 40, who has
always denied starting a fire that killed his ex-girlfriend's daughter, also
revealed that he planned to mount a campaign against the death penalty following
a US judge's ruling that he must be re-tried or freed within 90 days.
"It feels good for everyone
finally to see that I'm innocent," Mr Richey said. "All those people who said
'he's guilty', all those doubters. They have to eat their words. They've taken
too long because the system is screwed up."
In a telephone interview from
the Mansfield Correctional Institute , Ohio, Mr Richey said: "I went 'whoop,
whoop!' when they told me the news but I'll only be happy when they open the
door and let me out."
Speaking in a broad Scottish
accent, which remained undimmed despite his years in jail, Mr Richey said that
he had managed to remain strong because of the support of his fiancée and
family.
"I never let it get to me, and
what kept me going was the support I've received from my wife, family and
friends and loved ones. The fact I didn't want these bastards to get away with
what they did. But people here do crack. There have been guys here commit
suicide and who could not take the conditions any more.
"What I've missed the most is
to be able to walk up to my front door and go anywhere I've wanted, to go
shopping. Just the basic things. I just want to get home to Scotland and be with
my wife [fiancée]."
The former Marine's case was
described by Amnesty International as "the most compelling case of innocence on
death row" and attracted widespread support from campaigners against
miscarriages of justice.
Brought up in Edinburgh by his
Scottish mother and American father, Mr Richey emigrated to the US in 1982 when
his parents divorced. His ordeal began four years later, when, aged 21, he was
arrested for arson and the murder of two-year-old Cynthia Collins, the daughter
of his former lover, Hope Collins.
At his trial, the prosecution
alleged that Mr Richey was motivated by jealousy and that he deliberately used
paint-stripper or petrol to set fire to the apartment below the child's bedroom
window in an attempt to kill Ms Collins and her new lover. Instead, the
prosecution alleged, he killed the child.
In 1986, he was found guilty
and sentenced to death. Over the following years, he was within hours of being
executed a number of times, but each time his lawyers succeeded in appealing for
stays of execution.
However, forensic experts now
say that no accelerants were used in the fire and that it was most likely caused
by a discarded cigarette or even by the little girl herself, who witnesses said
was fascinated with matches and had previously started two accidental fires.
The testimony of prosecution
witnesses has also been discredited. At the trial, they claimed to have
overheard Richey saying he was "going to burn down the building". But one has
since admitted that she had never heard Mr Richey actually use these words. They
were just gossip. Another witness has admitted she said what she thought the
prosecution wanted her to say.
At his trial, Mr Richey
refused to plea bargain. Admitting a lesser charge could have meant he was freed
after 10 years. But Mr Richey, who only won his attempt to be recognised as a
British citizen in 2003, has always said he was prepared to die for what he
believed in: his innocence. He was not prepared to admit to a crime he had not
committed.
Karen Richey, who has taken
his surname although they are not yet married, said she suffered nightmares that
he was being executed.
"Kenny got to the point where
he just did not care any more - it was 'kill me or let me go'," said Karen
Richey, who lives in Glasgow and has known her fiancé for 10 years. She started
writing to him after hearing about his case, and has visited him once a year.
Conjugal rights were not allowed by the prison authorities.
"He had already decided on
haggis, mash, tatties and neeps for his last meal," she said. "You are always
imagining the worst and having nightmares of him being strapped down to the
gurney."
She was stunned when she
finally heard last week that he could be set free in weeks. Mr Richey was
allowed to telephone her from the Ohio jail. "There was crying, screaming,
shouting, the lot. But we both fought long and hard for this moment. It's all
been worth it. There were times when we thought this would never happen."
After the call from Mr Richey,
Karen phoned his mother, Eileen, 60, in Edinburgh to tell her the news. "I had
to repeat it five times," said Karen. "She just couldn't take it in. Then she
got all emotional."
The case has been cited by
anti-death penalty campaigners as proof that the US should scrap state
executions - the subject of furious debate in crime-ridden American states. It
comes after public defenders in the state of Connecticut succeeded yesterday in
winning a last-minute stay of execution for Michael Ross, 45, who has confessed
to killing eight women and girls after raping them.
Adam Goodman, from the legal
firm Lovells, who acted for Mr Richey in the UK, said the appeal court decision
highlighted a "massive failure" by the defence lawyers at the original trial in
handling the forensic evidence.
Mr Goodman said: "The entire
legal team were pleased to see that the Court of Appeals recognised after 18
years that there were serious questions about the propriety of Mr Richey's
original conviction and sentence."
Mr Richey, meanwhile, has
indicated that he plans to swap his prison cell for the open, mountainous
Scottish highlands when he is eventually released. "We just want to be a normal
family and set up home together there," said Karen.
DEATH SENTENCES
- William
Kemmler was the first to be executed by electric chair in the US on 6 August
1890. Death took eight minutes.
- The
longest spell on Texas's death row was 24 years before Excell White was finally
killed in 1999. The average wait is 10 years.
- A lethal
injection costs $86 (£46) a dose in Texas. A muscle relaxant collapses the lungs
and a drug stops the heart. Death occurs in seven minutes.
- The most
popular last meal for US death row inmates is French fries, burgers, ice cream
and Coke.
-
Seventy-eight countries and territories use the death penalty, while 118 have
abolished it in law or practice.
- Official
records show 726 people were executed in China in 2003, but one Chinese
legislator suggested last year that the actual total was "nearly 10,000".
- Of the 23
people executed in Texas last year, 12 were black, eight were white and three
Hispanic. The state lists the final words of those who are executed on its
website.
- At
present, about 3,400 people in US jails awaiting execution.
'I never let them get to me'
says Scot who spent 18 years on death row in America, IoS, 30.1.2005,
http://news.independent.co.uk/world/americas/story.jsp?story=606006
Death or glory
They were the hottest amateur baseball team
in the West
- little wonder, when defeat meant the gas chamber.
Rupert Cornwell
uncovers
the secret history of the WSP All Stars
30 January 2005
The Independent on Sunday
A sportsman can be motivated in many ways to
produce his best. For some, a simple professional pride in their performance is
enough. Another incentive is colossal sums of money. Others are driven by fear
of relegation, public criticism or some other disgrace. Or you can do what a
prison of the old West once did - and tell the players that they have a simple
choice: either win, or die.
The Wyoming State Penitentiary's All Stars
were a faint and short-lived meteor across America's baseball sky in the early
years of the 20th century. Surely, however, there was never a team quite like
them. To a man they were murderers and rapists, all of them sentenced to death.
Back in 1911 in the US, death sentences were normally carried out within a few
months, without the 10- or 20-year-long appeal process that is the norm now. The
All Stars survived, for a while at least, thanks to a simple arrangement with
their prison's baseball-obsessed warden, whose creation they were. Keep winning,
Felix Alston made clear to his players, and he would ensure they received stays
of execution.
This, in a nutshell, is the astonishing story
recounted by the screenwriter and historian Chris Enss in her new book, Playing
for Time. She had gone to Wyoming to research the role of women in the old West.
At the penitentiary, now a museum and a thriving tourist attraction, she
stumbled on the strange saga of the All Stars.
Those were the days when baseball ruled the US
sporting universe virtually unchallenged. The sun might have been setting on the
old West in the years before the First World War, but for baseball they were a
first golden age, populated by legendary players such as Christy Mathewson and
Ty Cobb, and by "Shoeless" Joe Jackson, perhaps the most haunting figure in
baseball history, a naïve superstar who would be caught up in the scandal of the
thrown World Series of 1919 and banned for ever from the game.
No less than the crowded cities of the east,
vast and empty Wyoming was besotted with baseball. Rawlins' population never
exceeded 11,000, but the baseball stadium was always packed, never more so than
when the WSP All Stars played. Like the dangerous convicts they were, they
entered and left the field chained together in irons. But in their 14-month
heyday, between March 1911 and May 1912, they won 39 of their 45 games. In the
process, the All Stars forced their way into the amateur Western Division
Championship that featured local teams from a vast region stretching from
California across the Rocky Mountains.
The only difference was that their opponents
played for fun, or in the hope of a career in the big leagues. For the All
Stars, baseball was literally a matter of life or death. The only modern
parallel is the Saddam-era Iraqi national football team, subject to terrible
punishment by the dictator's sadistic son Uday if they lost a game.
Amazing it may sound nearly a century on,
Enss's research proved highly controversial in contemporary Wyoming. "A lot of
people there didn't like my project," she explains. "They felt it made the state
look bad. People had written about the baseball team. But they mostly wrote
around the subject, they didn't dig deep. Remember too that Wyoming is the least
populous state, and it's not surprising they could keep the story quiet. When I
was researching the book, I was astonished how much material seemed to grow legs
and walk away." But enough remained for a gripping tale.
No setting could have been more perfect than
Rawlins. Today the town is an insignificant way-station along Interstate 80,
some 50 miles north of the Colorado border, straddling the US Continental
Divide. At the turn of the last century, however, it was a rough-and-tumble
railroad town, featuring a particularly savage variant of Western justice.
Rapists and murderers would not only be hanged, they might be skinned as well.
One local barber's shop actually displayed a pair of shoes made from the skin of
one desperado, "Big Nose" George Parrott, who was lynched in 1881. The town was
thus the natural home for Wyoming's first state prison.
When it opened for business in 1901, the new
penitentiary had neither running water or electricity. Over the years, physical
improvements were made, but never enough to dent the place's reputation as one
of the toughest jails in the West. Among the famous outlaws who spent time at
what was known locally as the "Crossbar Hotel" were Butch Cassidy and Frank
James, the brother of Jessie James.
Then, in 1911, Felix Alston arrived, a prison
reformer who believed that a penal system should be about rehabilitation as well
as retribution - a concept absent from many so-called "Corrections" institutions
in the US today. He laid special emphasis on education, as well as exercise and
recreation for inmates, to break the crushing monotony of life behind bars.
First and foremost among those recreations was baseball, a sport Alston loved.
Not only did he want a prison team, he wanted the best team possible.
Thus the All Stars came into being. Their
mascot might have been a picture of innocence, in the person of the warden's
blond five-year-old son, Felix Jr, but their line-up was guilty as sin. Alston
Sr would run through the team, taking a perverse relish in each player's claim
to infamy: "Leroy Cooke is at first. He bludgeoned to death a barber and stole
his money." On second was George Saban, "he shot his wife and two children". The
third baseman was Jack Carter, who "shot and killed an old hermit, cut him up
and burned his remains in the fireplace". The catcher Horace Donavan had
murdered his brother-in-law, while the three outfielders had raped and killed
eight people between them. As for the pitcher, William Boyer, "he stabbed his
father to death with a letter opener". Finally, there was short stop Joseph
Seng, who shot to death his former boss after a workplace feud.
If Alston the enlightened warden is one
protagonist of Enss's wonderful story, the other is the 29-year-old Seng, a
former textile worker from Pennsylvania. He was, by all accounts, a ferocious
hitter and a brilliant short stop, who had he not gone to jail might have made
it to the major leagues. When try-outs began in the prison yard in early 1911,
Seng smashed the second pitch he received through the third-storey window in the
guards' quarters. He was the talent who would anchor the All Stars line-up.
The team was taken to play its games in
Rawlins City Park in the centre of town, the wooden grandstands packed with
fans. The first game ended in defeat by the Rawlins Rustlers. Thereafter
however, spurred by their most unusual incentives, they were almost invincible,
compiling a 39-6 record over the next 15 months. In their blue uniforms with
white edging, the All Stars looked and played like big leaguers. They were also
a punter's dream.
Over that 45-game run, an estimated $132,000
was wagered on the team. Three state politicians are said to have raised cash
for their re-election campaigns by betting on the All Stars, and a dozen leading
local businessmen grew richer by backing the convicts. It was all too good to be
true. And so it proved.
A vital cog in the players' mechanism of
survival was a Wyoming state Supreme Court judge named Kenneth Farchi, who had
both bet on the team and helped secure the stays of execution. Increasingly,
however, he found himself under pressure from the families of victims -
especially the family of William Lloyd, the man killed by Seng - to make sure
that the sentences were carried out. His gambling activities were also in danger
of exposure. Farchi wrote to the warden, warning of the "catastrophic
consequence that would be visited on this office... if the death penalties are
not played out soon." Seng's appeal was moved to the top of pending business at
the court.
But the public response was extraordinary. As
Seng's execution neared, petitions for clemency poured into the governor's
office, not only from his mother and his younger brother, but also from over 350
inhabitants of Rawlins. There could have been no greater proof of how well-known
he and the All Stars had become.
Moreover, like other death row prisoners
before and since, Seng had became a new and better person behind bars. The
callous and cocky youth had matured into a trusty inmate, who was allowed to
work in the dispensary. He was then promoted to prison nurse, and his quick
thinking more than once saved lives. Seng himself was well aware of the
transformation. "I never received a square deal until I was brought to the
penitentiary," he wrote shortly before he died. "He believed he lived a fuller
life in prison than he ever did on the outside," Enss says. "He was at peace
there, and even owned up to the terrible thing he did."
Repentance however made no difference. At
2.45am on the moonlit night of May 24 1912, a day after his final appeal was
rejected by Wyoming's Supreme Court, Seng went calmly and bravely to his death,
on the gallows that stood opposite the dispensary where he used to work. To all
intents and purposes, the All Stars perished with him. Henceforth, Alston
announced, the penitentiary team would be made up only of inmates from the
general prison population. By 1916 the team was no more. As a former prisoner
drily commented in his memoirs, "The ball team didn't amount to much after they
hanged Seng." For Leroy Cooke, Horace Donavan, William Boyer and the other
players too, time quickly ran out. Only George Saban escaped, never to be
recaptured. The remaining 10 were executed, five on the gallows and five in the
gas chamber.
Not until 1920 did baseball return to the
Wyoming State Penitentiary, and several more years passed before the prison team
was allowed to play outside opponents. In 1981 the old penitentiary closed its
doors for ever. These days it is a tourist attraction, renamed the Wyoming
Frontier Prison. Visitors may spend a night in a cell, and even have themselves
locked into the shiny restored gas chamber in which five WSP All Stars met their
ghastly end.
But after decades of virtual silence, they may
be about to enjoy broad celebrity at last. A British edition of Playing for Time
will be published in March. Enss has already written the screenplay for a
planned Hollywood film (Nicolas Cage is one actor mentioned for the role of
Seng: "the physical resemblance between them is remarkable," she says). It is a
story without heroes - or at best with very tarnished heroes - but whose time
has surely come.
'Playing for Time' by Chris Enss is published
by Arcadia and available from
www.amazon.co.uk, priced £9.41
Death or glory, IoS, 30.1.2005,
http://news.independent.co.uk/world/americas/story.jsp?story=605597
Lawyer Request
Delays Connecticut Execution
Sat Jan 29, 2005 10:26 AM ET
By Av Harris
ENFIELD, Conn. (Reuters) - Connecticut prison
officials postponed the execution early on Saturday of serial killer Michael
Ross after his lawyer cited a conflict of interest and requested the last-minute
delay.
The postponement was announced less than two hours before Ross was scheduled to
die by lethal injection in what would have been the first execution in New
England in 45 years.
Late on Friday, the U.S. Supreme Court denied a stay of execution requested by
Ross' father and cleared the way for the 2 a.m./0700 GMT execution.
Connecticut officials said they granted a two-day delay after a request by Ross'
attorney, T.R. Paulding, whom Ross had hired to fight for his execution. The
execution was rescheduled for 9 p.m./0200 GMT on Monday.
"All the legal impediments to the execution of Michael Ross have been lifted.
However, the request by Attorney Paulding is a reasonable one and we have no
choice but to honor it," said Christopher Morano, Connecticut's chief state's
attorney.
Connecticut Attorney General Richard Blumenthal declined to discuss the conflict
of interest, saying it was a matter between Ross and Paulding.
Ross, an Ivy League graduate who has admitted killing eight women in the 1980s,
has said he wants to die. Last year, he waived all remaining appeals of his
death sentence, fired his public defenders and hired Paulding to fight for his
execution.
But a number of third parties have waged legal battles to stop the execution,
arguing Ross was not mentally competent to waive his appeals. Those efforts
contributed this week to two separate stays of execution issued by a federal
judge, although both stays were overturned on appeal.
ANGRY WORDS
Paulding's request for a delay followed angry words on Friday from the judge who
issued the stays.
U.S. District Judge Robert Chatigny in Hartford, Connecticut, threatened on
Friday to seize Paulding's law license if evidence emerged after the execution
that Ross was indeed incompetent.
During a telephone conference, Chatigny warned Paulding that advocating for the
killer's right to die was "terribly, terribly wrong" if there was such evidence.
"So I warn you Mr. Paulding ... you better be prepared to live with yourself for
the rest of your life. And you better be prepared to live with me (if an
investigation later shows evidence of Ross' incompetency) because I'll have your
law license," Chatigny said, according to a transcript of the court records.
Ross, 45, who attended Cornell University, was arrested in 1984 after a
three-year spree of rapes and murders.
His pending death has sparked much public debate in the northeastern United
States, where executions are rare. Most executions in America take place in
Texas and southern states.
Anti-death penalty activists in Connecticut have been frustrated by Ross'
insistence on being executed, making him what capital punishment experts call a
"volunteer."
The decision marked the fourth time Ross' execution has been rescheduled. He had
been scheduled to die earlier this week. (additional reporting by Greg Frost in
Boston)
Lawyer Request Delays Connecticut Execution, R, Sat
Jan 29, 2005 10:26 AM ET,
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml;jsessionid=PHVJM54JTW0UQCRBAEKSFEY?type=domesticNews&storyID=7473641
A federal appeals court
cleared the way on
Friday for Connecticut to execute
a serial murderer who wants to die
but gave the man's father a last-minute chance to ask
the U.S. Supreme Court to
intervene.
Michael Ross, who would be the first person
in 45 years executed in any
of the
traditionally liberal New England states,
wants to waive his appeals
and says he does not want his father's help to stay
alive.
Ross is seen in this undated file photo.
Photo by Conn. Dept. of Corr./Reuters
Connecticut Killer to Die Early Saturday
R Fri Jan 28, 2005 11:03 PM ET
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=domesticNews&storyID=7472492
Connecticut Killer to Die Early Saturday
Fri Jan 28, 2005 11:03 PM ET
Reuters
By Gail Appleson
NEW YORK (Reuters) - The U.S. Supreme court
denied late on Friday a stay of execution requested by the father of Michael
Ross, a serial killer due to die in Connecticut early on Saturday.
The Second Circuit Court of Appeals vacated a temporary restraining order put
into place by a federal judge in Hartford, Connecticut.
It stayed its order until Sunday at 12:01 a.m. to allow Daniel Ross to appeal to
the Supreme Court, which lifted that stay, allowing his execution by lethal
injection to go ahead as planned 2:01 a.m. EST Saturday.
Ross, who would be the first person in 45 years executed in liberal New England,
waived his appeals and said he did not want his father's help to stay alive. He
has admitted killing eight women in the 1980s.
Ross' father, Daniel, argued that his son suffers from a depressive disorder and
lacks the mental competency to make a rational decision about dying.
"I did not give my father permission to file this lawsuit," said Ross at a
hearing earlier this month. "I'm fully aware of my legal options and I'm
choosing not to appeal."
Connecticut Attorney General Richard Blumenthal assured the appeals court that
if Ross were to change his mind at the last minute "the machinery of death will
stop."
He said there would be someone stationed with Ross at the time of the execution
to notify officials if he had a change of heart.
"I am pleased the rule of law was upheld," Blumenthal said of the panel's
ruling.
The American Civil Liberties Union of Connecticut filed the federal lawsuit on
behalf of the father on the grounds that lethal injection is cruel and unusual
punishment.
Ross originally was scheduled to die earlier this week.
Connecticut Killer to Die Early Saturday, R, Fri Jan 28, 2005 11:03 PM ET,
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=domesticNews&storyID=7472492
Executions in Liberal U.S. States
Grab
Attention
Mon Jan 24, 2005 05:22 PM ET
Reuters
By Ellen Wulfhorst
NEW YORK (Reuters) - Two of the year's first
executions, one planned and one completed, are set in strongly liberal U.S.
states, prompting bursts of attention on capital punishment in places where it
is rarely used.
California, a Democratic stronghold, executed three-time murderer Donald
Beardslee last week. And in Connecticut serial killer Michael Ross was due to
die this week until a federal judge stepped in on Monday to delay the date.
The execution in Connecticut would be the first in the liberal northeast in more
than 40 years. The one in California, where 640 people are on death row, was
only the 11th execution since the state reinstated capital punishment in 1978.
A third execution passed virtually unnoticed in Texas, a conservative Republican
stronghold that has executed more people than any other state.
The novel cases in Connecticut and California each have spawned hundreds of
newspaper articles over the last month, according to one database that counts
such stories. The Texas case prompted just 11 articles.
"The symbolism and significance of individual executions vary dramatically
depending on the part of the country," said Douglas Berman, a death penalty
expert and law professor at Ohio State University. He drew a distinction between
the so-called blue, or Democratic, and red, or Republican states.
"In the blue states, there's always going to be a large population that wants to
seriously question and put a halt to these processes. In the red states, there
just isn't," he said. "The more the state kills people, the more comfortable and
acclimated and uneventful those killings become."
Richard Dieter, head of the Death Penalty Information Center, put it simply:
"It's just not news in Texas."
The case in Connecticut showcases a way to push the debate over capital
punishment to the forefront, Berman added.
"It's an incredible turning point in the state's history with the death
penalty," he said. "But once you've turned that corner, it gets quieter and
quieter. It's ironically one of the reasons to maybe fight the first one so
hard."
Death penalty opponent David Kaczynski, the brother of convicted "Unabomber" Ted
Kaczynski, agreed: "Once you kill one person, it's easier the second time."
But the case in Connecticut may be hard to fight. Ross has asked that the
appeals process be abandoned and a federal judge has ordered that a new
psychiatrist should evaluate whether he is mentally capable.
Ross, 45 and a graduate of Cornell University, has admitted to killing eight
women in the early 1980s. His execution by lethal injection had been set for
Wednesday.
Death-penalty advocate Dudley Sharp noted that support in Connecticut for the
Ross execution was higher than might be expected. He cited a poll showing 81
percent of residents supported the governor's refusal to step in and block it.
"That's impressive," Sharp said. "I don't think anybody would have thought that
would have come out of Connecticut."
Kaczynski, who became an activist after turning in his older brother to the FBI
but later saying he felt betrayed by authorities who sought the death penalty,
regularly lobbies lawmakers. He said he meets quite a few legislators who
support the death penalty for its symbolic value.
"What's happening in Connecticut shows that it's more than a symbol. This is
real. The machine is designed to kill and sooner or later, it's going to do what
it's designed to do," Kaczynski said. "The sense of denial about this being a
matter of life or death ends."
Executions in Liberal U.S. States Grab Attention, R, Mon Jan 24, 2005 05:22 PM
ET,
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=domesticNews&storyID=7414723
Judge Stays Execution of U.S. Serial Killer
Mon Jan 24, 2005 04:53 PM ET
Reuters
By Av Harris
HARTFORD, Conn. (Reuters) - A federal judge on
Monday stayed the execution of a Connecticut serial killer, who had been
scheduled later this week to become the first person put to death in New England
in 45 years.
U.S. District Judge Robert Chatigny said it should be determined whether Michael
Ross, who admitted to killing eight women in the 1980s, is mentally capable of
waiving appeals to his death sentence. A new psychiatrist will have to evaluate
the serial killer.
"There's no doubt in my mind that there is an issue which needs to be explored,"
Chatigny said at a hearing. "It is inevitable I will be entering a stay until
the outcome of this proceeding."
He then told public defender T.R. Paulding to inform Ross that "he will not be
executed this week."
State prosecutors filed an appeal immediately with the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of
Appeals in Manhattan. The Connecticut Department of Correction said it was
proceeding as scheduled. "We are prepared and we will now await further
direction from the court," the department said in a statement.
The execution warrant for Ross specifies that he is to be put to death on Jan.
26, or within five days thereafter.
Ross, 45, has repeatedly said he does not want to fight his execution by lethal
injection.
The execution, which had been set for Wednesday, would be the first since 1960
in any of the six New England states -- Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New
Hampshire, Rhode Island and Vermont -- which have tended to oppose capital
punishment.
Ross has accused the public defenders who want to save his life of lying in
their attempts to have him declared incompetent. The Connecticut Supreme Court
earlier this month rejected a bid for such a declaration.
Hubert Santos, a lawyer with the team of public defenders, said Ross' decision
not to appeal stemmed from a desire to end his suffering on death row.
"By sentencing someone to death and putting him into a condition that you
wouldn't put a prisoner in in Iraq, you've broken his will to live and you've
induced him to opt for death," Santos said, adding that he hoped the judge's
decision withstood prosecutors' appeals.
Although Ross has declared himself opposed to the death penalty, he has said for
at least 10 years that he wants his execution to ease the pain of his victims'
families.
"There is no need to drag the families of my victims through more lengthy and
disturbing court proceedings," Ross wrote in a 1994 letter to prosecutors.
Judge
Stays Execution of U.S. Serial Killer, R, Mon Jan 24, 2005 04:53 PM ET,
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml;jsessionid=0B0FVMHK00E2ECRBAEZSFEY?type=domesticNews&storyID=7414520
Schwarzenegger
Allows Rare California
Execution
Tue Jan 18, 2005 08:03 PM ET
By Adam Tanner
SAN FRANCISCO (Reuters) - Citing "grisly and
senseless killings," Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger declined on Tuesday to grant
clemency to murderer Donald Beardslee, setting the stage for California's first
execution in three years.
As expected, Schwarzenegger said he would allow the execution of Beardslee, 61,
to proceed by lethal injection at San Quentin State Prison north of San
Francisco at one minute after midnight (3:01 a.m. EST) on Wednesday morning.
Beardslee's attorneys argue he was duped by accomplices and was suffering from
mental illness aggravated by brain injuries when in 1981 he shot Stacey
Benjamin, 19, and choked and slashed the throat of Patty Geddling, 23, in
California.
The Air Force veteran, who was out on parole at the time for a 1969 murder of a
young woman in Missouri, confessed to both killings and was sentenced to death
in 1984.
"The state and federal courts have affirmed his conviction and death sentence,
and nothing in his petition or the record of his case convinces me that he did
not understand the gravity of his actions or that these heinous murders were
wrong," Schwarzenegger said in a statement.
Beardslee's attorneys had asked the governor to commute his sentence to life in
prison without parole. In a detailed five-page response, Schwarzenegger detailed
the brutality of Beardslee's three killings and rejected the argument that the
killer was mentally impaired.
"We are not dealing here with a man who is so generally affected by his
impairment that he cannot tell the difference between right and wrong,"
Schwarzenegger said.
TOP COURT REJECTS STAY APPEAL
Also on Tuesday, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected Beardslee's request for a stay
of execution, turning down his appeal without any comment or recorded dissent.
Defense lawyers argued to the court that lethal injection is cruel and unusual
punishment and that jurors were unfairly influenced in reaching a death verdict.
California, the nation's most populous state, has the largest death row
population in the United States and perhaps the world, but it rarely administers
the ultimate punishment. Lengthy appeals typically lead to two decades of delay
before an inmate is executed.
Beardslee would become the 11th inmate executed since California restored the
death penalty in 1978. He is one of 640 people on California's death row. Texas
is second with 455.
Beardslee declined the state's offer of a last meal of his choice on Tuesday, a
prison official said. He is set to die by lethal injection of three chemicals,
including potassium chloride, which causes cardiac arrest.
Last year Schwarzenegger rejected the only other clemency petition made to him
from a death row inmate, Kevin Cooper, who was convicted of murdering four
people in southern California. The Ninth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in San
Francisco granted Cooper an 11th-hour reprieve. (With additional reporting from
Jim Vicini in Washington)
Schwarzenegger Allows Rare California Execution, R, Tue Jan 18, 2005 08:03 PM
ET,
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml;jsessionid=KGJEU1ULCO0QKCRBAEKSFFA?type=domesticNews&storyID=7361899
Kansas' Death Penalty Law
Is Declared
Unconstitutional
By ADAM LIPTAK
December 18, 2004
The Kansas Supreme Court struck down the
state's death penalty law yesterday, saying that the way it required juries to
consider sentences for capital murder violated the Constitution.
The court did not rule that the death penalty as such was unconstitutional,
however, and the Kansas Legislature is free to enact a new law that addresses
the court's concerns.
The decision overturned the death sentences of all six people on Kansas' death
row, said Ron Keefover, a spokesman for the court. When they are sentenced
again, he said, they can still face life in prison.
The Kansas ruling leaves 36 states and the federal government with valid death
penalty laws. New York's highest court struck down its death penalty law in
June, also citing a flaw in the law's sentencing procedures.
The defendant in the Kansas case, Michael Marsh, was convicted of two 1996
murders. In 1997, a Wichita jury found him guilty of killing Marry Ane Pusch ,
who was 21, by shooting her in the head, and of burning down Ms. Pusch's house,
leaving her 19-month-old daughter, Marry Elizabeth Pusch, to die in the fire.
Mr. Marsh received a 40-year sentence for the murder of Ms. Pusch and was
sentenced to death for killing her daughter.
Capital trials have two phases. If a defendant is convicted, juries consider
so-called aggravating and mitigating factors in deciding whether to recommend
death sentences.
Under the Kansas law, if the two sets of factors were perfectly balanced, a
death sentence was required. By a 4-to-3 vote, the court said the requirement
that a tie go to the state violates the Eighth Amendment, which prohibits cruel
and unusual punishment.
In sentencing Mr. Marsh to death, the jury found three aggravating
circumstances: that Mr. Marsh "created a great risk of death to more than one
person," that he committed the crime to avoid arrest or prosecution and that the
toddler's murder was especially heinous. It found that those aggravating factors
were "not outweighed" by unspecified mitigating factors. There was no indication
that the jury had found the two sets of factors to be of equal weight.
But the majority ruled that the Kansas law was unconstitutional in any case,
overturning the sentences of Mr. Marsh and the other Kansas death row inmates.
It separately granted Mr. Marsh a new trial on the capital murder charge, saying
the trial judge should not have excluded some evidence linking a second man to
the crime. The court upheld his conviction and 40-year sentence for the murder
of Ms. Pusch.
Chief Justice Kay McFarland, one of three dissenting justices, wrote that the
possibility that a jury might find aggravating and mitigating factors to be
perfectly balanced was remote and that the Legislature did not violate the
Constitution by telling juries how to resolve such ties.
Kansas has not executed anyone since 1965, and the state did not have a death
penalty between 1972 and 1994, when the Legislature enacted the law that the
court struck down yesterday.
Kansas' Death Penalty Law Is Declared Unconstitutional, NYT, 18.12.2004,
http://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/18/national/18death.html
San Quentin Debate:
Death Row vs. Bay Views
December 18, 2004
NYT
By DEAN E. MURPHY
SAN QUENTIN, Calif., Dec. 17 - So many people
in California have been sentenced to death that the state is about to spend $220
million to build a bigger death row next to the current one on a spectacular
bayside bluff here.
The state has long had the most populous death row in the country - it now has
641 condemned inmates - and the problem is that very few residents ever leave.
Since the death penalty was reinstated in 1977, just 10 inmates have been put to
death, and many spent 20 years or so in their cells before being executed by
lethal injection. Four times as many have died from other causes like suicide
and AIDS.
"The comment may sound a bit whimsical, but it's literally true that the leading
cause of death on death row is old age," said Chief Justice Ronald M. George of
the California Supreme Court, a former prosecutor of capital cases.
The decision to build the new prison was made by the State Legislature last year
and the environmental reviews are nearing completion. With construction
scheduled to begin next September, there is a stepped-up effort by opponents to
block it.
But in an indication of how accustomed Californians have grown to their
Potemkin-like death row, the debate over the new prison is centered on real
estate prices and panoramic views, not the snail-paced approach to executions
that has made a bigger prison necessary. Many elected officials here in Marin
County, just north of San Francisco, do not oppose a new prison, they just
insist that it be built far away on less valuable property, and for that matter
would like to move the entire complex.
"The site's location on the bay and proximity to San Francisco along with access
to nearby cultural and recreational opportunities provide a unique opportunity
to leverage the physical characteristics and natural beauty of the property,"
states a developmental plan prepared by the county. The proposal, called the San
Quentin Vision Plan, contemplates residential communities, bike paths, parks and
a transportation center in place of death row and the rest of the prison and its
5,000 inmates.
Margot Bach, a spokeswoman for the State Department of Corrections,
characterized the county's approach to San Quentin this way: "They want the real
estate. That's the bottom line."
Even with a sharp drop in the number of people sentenced to death in recent
years, the new prison is being designed to house 1,408 men, more than double the
current death row population. (Women will continue to be housed at a prison in
Chowchilla, in the Central Valley.) Most everyone involved expects that death
row will get more populous in the coming years because so few of the condemned
will be executed.
Franklin E. Zimring, a law professor at the University of California, Berkeley,
and the author of a book on capital punishment, said a bigger prison at San
Quentin would be an appropriate metaphor for a state that values law and order
but seems to have little appetite for Texas-style justice. Texas leads the
nation in executions, with 336 since 1976. Its death row now houses 444 inmates.
"What we are talking about looks like an inefficiency, but it may function to
give us exactly what we want, which is a death penalty without executions,"
Professor Zimring said. "When people are ambivalent and not very honest about
their priorities, it is very difficult to distinguish between ingenuity and
inefficiency."
He said that what was most remarkable about capital punishment in California was
that even with strong public support for it - a Field Poll in March showed 68
percent favored the death penalty for serious crimes - there was scant outrage
over the courts' slow-paced application of it.
"There isn't a crisis here," said Professor Zimring, a death penalty foe.
"Nobody's mad. The district attorneys get death sentences. That is their reward.
They frame that. But they are not sitting there waiting for executions."
Many advocates of capital punishment, while unhappy with the situation, say they
are resigned to it.
"Our Legislature is run by people who don't want the death penalty to work,"
said Kent Scheidegger, legal director of the Criminal Justice Legal Foundation,
a Sacramento-based group that favors stepped-up executions. "They can't repeal
it outright because the voters would hang them, but they can sabotage it. It is
basically a matter of not pushing."
Chief Justice George said in a telephone interview from Sacramento that the slow
pace of executions was caused by both the state and federal courts. The state
courts have been cautious in making sure defendants receive the best legal
representation possible, he said, while on the federal level, "an active federal
bench looks at these cases more carefully than the federal bench in other parts
of the country." Unlike the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth
Circuit, which handles cases from Texas, the appeals court that serves
California, the Ninth Circuit, is well known for its liberal interpretation of
federal law.
California is very slow in processing death penalty appeals, starting with the
State Supreme Court itself, which under the state's Constitution is the first to
review death sentence appeals. The waiting list for an appeals lawyer to be
assigned by the court is about four years. Right now, 118 people on death row
have not yet been assigned a lawyer. Six years ago the number reached 170.
"The virtues of the system also represent its vices because it does end up
causing a lot of delay," Chief Justice George said. "We take great care to try
and appoint competent counsel." He added, "I could take care of that backlog in
two or three days if I were not following the very rigorous standards that
California has established."
Professor J. Clark Kelso, director of the Capital Center for Government Law and
Policy at the McGeorge School of Law at the University of the Pacific, was a
consultant to the state in the late 1990's, when legislation was passed to speed
up the appeals process, including paying higher hourly fees to lawyers. But even
with those changes, Professor Kelso said it would take 15 or 20 years to catch
up with the backlog of cases before the Supreme Court.
Some groups opposed to the death penalty objected to a new prison when the State
Legislature was considering it, but the debate has been minimal since then. Some
of the groups have even thrown their support behind the bigger prison because it
promises to offer better facilities and would keep the inmates close to San
Francisco, maintaining easy access to them by death row lawyers, volunteers and
service organizations.
"This was an effort that kind of pulled the movement apart a little bit," said
Lance Lindsey, executive director of Death Penalty Focus, a San Francisco group
that opposes a new prison. "Of course a lot of us are for humane conditions, but
conditions could be improved without expanding death row, and if we ended the
death penalty, we wouldn't need all that money to expand death row."
The Prison Law Office, a nonprofit firm located outside the gates to the
152-year-old prison here, is among the groups that have supported a more modern
death row. It has also resisted efforts to move it away from San Quentin,
insisting that executions, when they do occur, need to be held in a big urban
center so that they receive public scrutiny.
Steven Fama, a lawyer with the Prison Law Office, said the new prison was
indicative of "a sort of stalemate that has become entrenched" in the state over
capital punishment. While the overcrowded death row signals "a legal system that
cannot accommodate the death judgments," Mr. Fama said there was widespread
acceptance of the status quo and a feeling on both sides to make the best of an
imperfect situation.
"Increasingly it just doesn't work the way it is now," he said of death row.
"There are not enough cells for the disabled. The mental health care has to be
given out in a makeshift way. They have had to be creative, building a chapel in
an old shower area."
Assemblyman Joe Nation, a Democrat from Marin County, has been promised a
meeting with aides to Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, who has expressed support for
the new death row, to make a last-ditch pitch to sink the plan. Mr. Nation, who
wants the new prison to be built somewhere less expensive than the Bay Area,
said his presentation to the governor's staff would focus entirely on economic
issues.
A state audit of the prison proposal last spring raised some financial questions
about the plan, and Mr. Nation said it was a mistake for the state to "box
itself into having a prison" at San Quentin for another 50 to 100 years by
making such a big investment. He said state officials had estimated that the
land there was worth as much as $750 million.
In the long run, opponents of the death penalty hope money concerns might also
persuade Californians to give up on death row entirely. Though there have been
few comprehensive analyses of the financial impact, the Indiana Criminal Law
Study Commission in 2002 found that the additional legal and incarceration costs
to that state for a death sentence versus one for life without the possibility
of parole was about 30 percent.
"In a perfect world, we would have a serious discussion about the death penalty
in California," Mr. Nation said.
San
Quentin Debate: Death Row vs. Bay Views, NYT, 18.12.2004,
http://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/18/national/18row.html
California Jury Seeks Death
for Scott
Peterson
Mon Dec 13, 2004 09:12 PM ET
Reuters
By Adam Tanner
REDWOOD CITY, Calif. (Reuters) - A California
jury recommended on Monday that Scott Peterson be put to death for murdering his
wife and unborn son, capping a sensational trial that riveted much of the
country.
The jurors, who convicted Peterson of murder in November, deliberated for about
12 hours before coming to a unanimous decision that he should die for killing
his pregnant, 27-year-old wife, Laci, and unborn son, Conner, two years ago.
Peterson, who maintained his innocence throughout the trial but did not testify
in his own defense, showed no emotion and sat stone-faced next to his defense
attorney as the verdict was read out. Jurors said later that his lack of emotion
throughout the trial raised their suspicions.
The panel of six men and six women avoided eye contact with Peterson, 32, as
they entered the packed courtroom, which was ringed by sheriff's deputies.
"Scott Peterson was Laci's husband, Conner's daddy -- the one person who should
have protected them. And for him to have done that," juror Richelle Nice told a
news conference after the verdict was read.
Under California law, Superior Court Judge Alfred Delucchi could break with the
jury and impose a life prison term when he sentences Peterson on Feb. 25. But
California judges rarely overturn the will of juries in death penalty cases.
"He got what he deserved," said Laci Peterson's stepfather Ron Grantski, but
"the nightmare hasn't changed."
People read the San Francisco Examiner with the
headline 'Death' over pictures
of Scott Peterson and his wife Laci at superior courts
in Redwood City,
California, December 13, 2004.
A California jury recommended the death sentence
for Scott Peterson for killing
his wife and unborn son
after a sensational trial that riveted much of the country.
Photo by Kimberly
White/Reuters.
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml;jsessionid=
030ZERR0KPXEQCRBAE0CFEY?type=topNews&storyID=7081727
LAWYER PLANS APPEAL
Peterson's high-profile attorney, Mark Geragos, said he would appeal the
verdict.
"Obviously we are very disappointed," Geragos said. "Obviously, we plan on
pursuing every and all appeals, motions for a new trial."
With a lengthy appeals process, death sentences in California typically take two
decades to be carried out. The state has executed 10 people since 1978 and
currently has more than 600 men and women on death row, the nation's largest.
Peterson will be moved to death row at San Quentin prison on San Francisco Bay,
just miles from the spot where his wife's body was found.
The case has transfixed much of America since Peterson reported his wife missing
on Christmas Eve, 2002, telling police that he spent the day fishing and
returned that afternoon to find her gone.
The bodies of Laci and her baby washed up from San Francisco Bay some four
months after she vanished -- not far from where Peterson told police he had been
fishing. That fact swayed at least one juror to convict him.
"In my mind, if those bodies had never been found, or found in the desert, or in
Yosemite National Park, we wouldn't be sitting here right now," juror Greg
Beratlis told reporters.
Jurors said they were emotionally drained after immersing themselves for six
months in the morbid details of the case and spending sleepless nights thinking
about their verdict. They said the circumstantial evidence in the case slowly
came together as a puzzle pointing to Peterson's guilt.
Prosecutors called Peterson a "monster" in asking for the death penalty. But
Geragos asked the jury to spare his life, saying nothing would be gained by
another death in the case.
California Jury Seeks Death for Scott Peterson, R, Mon Dec 13,
2004 09:12 PM ET,
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml;jsessionid=030ZERR0KPXEQCRBAE0CFEY?type=topNews&storyID=7081727
Supreme Court
to Hear Case of Mexican
on
Death Row
December 11, 2004
The New York Times
By LINDA GREENHOUSE
WASHINGTON, Dec. 10 - The Supreme Court
accepted an appeal on Friday from still another Texas death-row inmate in a case
with significant international implications. The question is whether the federal
government can permit Texas to execute a Mexican whose rights under a binding
international treaty were violated when he was tried and sentenced to death
without Mexican officials being notified.
On March 31, the International Court of Justice ordered the United States to
undertake "an effective review" of the convictions and sentences of the inmate,
José Ernesto Medellín, and 50 other Mexicans under death sentences in nine
states. The court, usually known as the World Court, ruled that all 51 had been
deprived of their right under the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations to
meet with Mexican government representatives.
Mr. Medellín's lawyers raised this issue on his behalf as early as his appeal in
the Texas state courts in 1998. But that was not early enough, the United States
Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit ruled in May when it responded to the
World Court decision by rejecting Mr. Medellín's request for a writ of habeas
corpus. The appeals court ruled that he could obtain no relief on the basis of
the consular treaty because, by failing to raise it at his murder trial in 1994
he was procedurally barred from raising it in federal court.
At his 1994 trial for a gang-related murder, Mr. Medellín, an indigent
18-year-old, was given a court-appointed lawyer who called no witnesses. Unknown
to the trial judge at the time, Mr. Medellín's lawyer had been suspended from
law practice for ethical violations. At the penalty phase of the trial, which
lasted two hours, the lawyer put on only one expert witness, a psychologist who
had never met Mr. Medellín.
The Vienna Convention, which the United States ratified in 1969, requires the
authorities of a government that is detaining a foreign citizen to act "without
delay" in notifying the prisoner of the right to request help from a consul of
his home country. Mexican officials learned that Mr. Medellín had been convicted
of murder after he had been on death row for three years. Mexico sued the United
States in the World Court last year on behalf of Mr. Medellín and the other
Mexican inmates.
The Supreme Court decision to accept Mr. Medellín's appeal was notable because
the court neither received nor invited the views of the Bush administration
before it acted. The case, Medellín v. Dretke, No. 04-5928, will be argued in
March. The United States opposed Mexico's suit in the World Court, describing it
in a brief as "an unjustified, unwise and ultimately unacceptable intrusion in
the United States criminal justice system."
In its ruling, the World Court denied the request to nullify the Mexicans'
convictions. Instead, it ordered the United States to provide an "effective
review" of each case.
At the time of the ruling, the execution of Osbaldo Torres, a Mexican on
Oklahoma's death row, was imminent, scheduled for May 18. The Oklahoma Court of
Appeals responded to the decision by delaying the execution, and Oklahoma's
governor, Brad Henry, then commuted the sentence to life in prison.
Mr. Medellín has encountered a different response. Texas filed a brief opposing
a Supreme Court review of his case, arguing he has already received the "full
merits review" of his case to which the World Court found him entitled.
The specific legal issue in the appeal is whether the Fifth Circuit was correct
in applying to a case based on international law the usual procedural rules
under which a defendant forfeits a claim that is not raised at the proper stage.
In a brief, unsigned order in a 1998 case that involved a Paraguayan inmate who
tried to assert his rights under the Vienna Convention, the Supreme Court
suggested that the treaty was subject to each country's procedural rules.
The Fifth Circuit, in its ruling in Mr. Medellín's case, said it was barred by
the Supreme Court case from considering his petition.
But "the legal universe has fundamentally changed" since 1998, Mr. Medellín's
lawyers said in their Supreme Court appeal, noting that the World Court
interpreted the treaty in a 2001 case and again in the decision in March to
create enforceable individual rights.
In their Supreme Court appeal, the lawyers sought to underscore the importance
of the issue by presenting "friend of the court" briefs from international law
scholars, former diplomats, international human rights organizations, the
European Union and the Mexican government.
While these briefs undoubtedly attracted the court's attention, the justices
have also demonstrated growing concern over the administration of the death
penalty in Texas and the reviews that the Fifth Circuit gives to appeals from
its death row.
On Monday, the court took the unusual step of hearing a second appeal from a
Texas prisoner, Thomas Miller-El. The issue was whether the Fifth Circuit, which
had rejected his challenge to the exclusion of blacks from the jury at his
murder trial, had followed the Supreme Court's previous instructions to
reconsider his challenge to how the prosecution questioned and eliminated
potential jurors.
NYT,
11.12.2004, Supreme Court to Hear Case of Mexican on Death Row,
http://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/11/national/11scotus.html
Rulings in Texas Capital Cases
Try Supreme
Court's Patience
5 December 2014
NYT
By ADAM LIPTAK and RALPH BLUMENTHAL
In the past year, the Supreme Court has heard
three appeals from inmates on death row in Texas, and in each case the prosecutors and the lower courts suffered stinging reversals.
In a case to be argued on Monday, the court appears poised to deliver another
rebuke.
Lawyers for a Texas death row inmate, Thomas Miller-El, will appear before the
justices for the second time in two years. To legal experts, the Supreme Court's
decision to hear his case yet again is a sign of its growing impatience with two
of the courts that handle death penalty cases from Texas: its highest criminal
court, the Court of Criminal Appeals, and the United States Court of Appeals for
the Fifth Circuit, in New Orleans.
Perhaps as telling is the exasperated language in decisions this year from a
Supreme Court that includes no categorical opponent of the death penalty.
Justice Sandra Day O'Connor wrote in June that the Fifth Circuit was "paying lip
service to principles" of appellate law in issuing death penalty rulings with
"no foundation in the decisions of this court."
In an unsigned decision in another case last month, the Supreme Court said the
Court of Criminal Appeals "relied on a test we never countenanced and now have
unequivocally rejected." The decision was made without hearing argument, a move
that ordinarily signals that the error in the decision under review was glaring.
The actions of the two appeals courts that hear capital cases from Texas help
explain why the state leads the nation in executions, with 336 since 1976, when
the death penalty was reinstated, more than the next five states combined.
In the Miller-El case, appellate lawyers and legal scholars are buzzing over
what they say is the insolence of the Fifth Circuit.
In an 8-to-1 decision last year, the Supreme Court instructed the appeals court
to rethink its "dismissive and strained interpretation" of the proof in the
case, and to consider more seriously the substantial evidence suggesting that
prosecutors had systematically excluded blacks from Mr. Miller-El's jury.
Prosecutors used peremptory strikes to eliminate 10 out of 11 eligible black
jurors, and they twice used a local procedure called a jury shuffle to move
blacks lower on the list of potential jurors, the decision said. The jury
ultimately selected, which had one black member, convicted Mr. Miller-El, a
black man who is now 53, of killing a clerk at a Holiday Inn in Dallas in 1985.
Instead of considering much of the evidence recited by the Supreme Court
majority, the appeals court engaged in something akin to plagiarism. In
February, it again rejected Mr. Miller-El's claims, in a decision that
reproduced, virtually verbatim and without attribution, several paragraphs from
the sole dissenting opinion in last year's Supreme Court decision, written by
Justice Clarence Thomas.
"The Fifth Circuit just went out of its way to defy the Supreme Court on this,"
said John J. Gibbons, a former chief judge of the United States Court of Appeals
for the Third Circuit, in Philadelphia, who joined a brief supporting Mr.
Miller-El. "The idea that the system can tolerate open defiance by an inferior
court just cannot stand."
The Supreme Court agrees to hear only about 80 cases each year. It seldom
accepts cases to correct errors in the lower courts and concentrates instead on
resolving conflicts among appeals courts and announcing broad legal principles.
But in recent years the court has often found itself fixing problems in specific
Texas death penalty cases. Over the last decade, it has ruled against
prosecutors in all six appeals brought by inmates on death row in Texas.
The cases all involved challenges to the fairness of the procedures used to
convict and sentence the defendants rather than arguments about their innocence.
The two appeals courts handle an enormous number of capital cases and grant
relief in very few. Between 1995 and 2000, the Court of Criminal Appeals heard
direct appeals in 270 death sentences and reversed eight times, according to a
report by the Texas Defender Service, a nonprofit law firm that represents death
row inmates. The reversal rate - 3 percent - is the lowest of any state.
California, which has a much larger death row, at 635, has executed only 10
people since 1976, to Texas's 336.
By contrast, a comprehensive study of almost 6,000 death sentences across the
nation over the 20 years ended in 1995 found a 68 percent chance they would be
overturned by a state or federal court.
The Fifth Circuit also reviews Texas death sentences when inmates file writs of
habeas corpus - challenges to unlawful detentions. The court has 50 or 60
capital cases pending at any given time, a spokesman said. But in recent years
it has very seldom ruled in favor of prisoners on death row.
The two courts have been resistant to claims involving withheld evidence, lies
told by prosecutors and problems in jury selection, as in the Miller-El case.
But legal scholars say the most intractable issue involves unusual instructions
that were given to Texas juries from 1989 to 1991.
The Supreme Court ruled in 2001 that those instructions were unconstitutional.
Yet the two appeals courts continued to uphold the death sentences that resulted
from the instructions. Since 1991, more than 40 of the people in those cases
have been executed, according to Jordan Steiker, a law professor at the
University of Texas.
The state appeals court, which considers only criminal cases, is made up of
elected judges, mostly former prosecutors.
The judges on the federal appeals court come from more varied professional
backgrounds and have life tenure. But legal scholars say that court, once famous
for defending civil rights, is now quite conservative, is burdened with one of
the heaviest federal appellate dockets in the country and shows mounting
hostility to death row inmates and their lawyers.
David R. Dow, a law professor at the University of Houston who represents death
row inmates, said the federal appeals court had lost its way in capital cases.
"The Fifth Circuit does not understand that it is an inferior tribunal to the
United States Supreme Court, and it acts lawlessly," said Professor Dow, who was
a law clerk to Judge Carolyn Dineen King of the Fifth Circuit in 1985 and 1986.
Referring to the court's critical role in several historic civil rights cases,
he added, "If it acted this lawlessly in the 1960's, black people and white
people would still be eating at separate lunch counters."
Judge King, who is now the court's chief judge and is widely considered a
political and legal moderate, said Professor Dow's critique did not apply to all
of her court's decisions.
"The only response I would make," she said in an e-mail message, "is that a
broad generalization about the Fifth Circuit's death penalty decisions indicates
to me that the speaker may not have read all of them. One cannot fairly
generalize about those decisions."
Judge Lawrence E. Meyers, a Republican first elected to the Texas Court of
Criminal Appeals in 1992 and its longest-serving member, said, "From my
standpoint being on the court, I've seen it go up and down, from way too liberal
to way too far to the right." Now, he said, "I feel like we've evened it out."
Although he has dissented in some major cases, including Monday's 5-to-4 vote to
deny a stay of execution to a Texas woman later given a limited reprieve by the
governor, Judge Meyers said there was no intent to defy the Supreme Court.
"We feel the Supreme Court is changing the rules on us in midstream," he said.
"If they feel we're not getting it, it's because they're not being clear, but
that's just a personal view."
Presiding Judge Sharon Keller, a member since 1995 and a former assistant
district attorney in Dallas, did not respond to several telephone messages.
A Court of Prosecutors
"The Worst Court in Texas" was the ignominious verdict on the cover of the
November issue of Texas Monthly, the state's glossy bible of style and politics.
The target: the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals.
Texas is an anomaly - the only state with two separate and completely equal high
courts. One, the Texas Supreme Court, handles only civil cases. The other, the
Court of Criminal Appeals, hears only criminal cases. Each has nine judges who
run for staggered six-year-terms. Only Oklahoma has a similar bifurcated appeals
court system, but its Supreme Court holds overall administrative responsibility.
The consequence, some experts say, is a Texas criminal appeals court largely
unleavened by general practitioners and the kind of top legal talent that fills
corporate boardrooms. Indeed, seven of its nine members are former prosecutors
who tend to run on tough-on-crime-platforms and, critics say, embody the court's
antidefense bent.
"No one runs for the Court of Criminal Appeals on a platform of vindicating
constitutional rights," said Professor Steiker, the University of Texas law
professor.
But Judge Meyers said there was a benefit to specializing. "It gives us a chance
to be more attuned to criminal matters and the latest rulings," he said.
The system has allowed unprepared candidates to serve on the court. In 1994 a
tax lawyer, Stephen W. Mansfield, won election despite admitting during the
campaign that he had lied about his legal experience and biography. While a
judge, he was arrested for scalping complimentary college football tickets (he
pleaded no contest to trespassing) and was accused of animal abuse for locking
his dogs in his car while he sat on the bench. He did not seek re-election in
2000 but ran again in 2002 and lost.
Embarrassed by that debacle, the state now requires candidates for the court to
gather at least 50 signatures from all 14 appellate districts.
In another episode widely perceived as an embarrassment, Roy Criner, a prison
inmate serving 99 years for the rape and murder of a 16-year-old girl that he
insisted he had never committed, successfully petitioned for a DNA test not
available during his trial. The test determined that the semen in the victim was
not his. A second test produced the same result.
The trial court asked the criminal appeals court to order a new trial, but with
Judge Keller prominently in the majority, it voted 6-3 to let the conviction
stand. Gov. George W. Bush, then running for the White House, granted Mr. Criner
clemency. "It's pretty bad when you have to go to Governor Bush for relief,"
said James Marcus, executive director of the Texas Defender Service.
Maintaining that the court was not responding to such bad publicity, another
member of the court, Judge Barbara Hervey, a former San Antonio prosecutor
elected in 2000, has been instrumental in using a $20 million legislative
appropriation, and seeking additional money, to foster a network of "innocence
clinics" at law schools around the state to investigate credible claims of
wrongful conviction. Though the article in Texas Monthly stung, she said, "We
are in the game of justice."
Robert Dawson, a University of Texas law professor working with Judge Hervey on
the innocence project, said he saw the court "beginning to float back" to more
moderate rulings. Deducing too much from the recent Supreme Court critiques
would be a mistake, he said. "It's like driving down a road and seeing two cars
a mile apart with flats and concluding that the tire manufacturing industry is
in the toilet."
Capital Cases in Volume
A state court largely made up of former prosecutors might be expected to be
skeptical of the claims of death row inmates. Why federal judges on the Fifth
Circuit might share that attitude is a bit of a mystery, legal scholars said,
noting that the judges are appointed for life, and are generally distinguished
and independent-minded intellectuals.
One explanation is political. Of the court's 16 judges, only 4 were appointed by
Democratic presidents.
"The Fifth Circuit has been anything but a liberal court," said Arthur D.
Hellman, a law professor at the University of Pittsburgh and an expert on the
federal courts. "It's probably second only to the Fourth Circuit," in Richmond,
Va., "as a conservative circuit."
"The Fifth Circuit," he added, "seems to be in tune with the Supreme Court in
the broad run of cases."
But not in all cases.
"The one exception," said Eric M. Freedman, a law professor at Hofstra
University, "is in the area of habeas corpus, especially in death penalty cases.
In that area it has been consistently over the top in inventing rationalizations
by which to defend the indefensible."
"A circuit that 40 years ago was justly famous for implementing the mandates of
the Bill of Rights and the Supreme Court respecting racial fairness," he said,
"is now justly notorious for its outright refusal to apply fundamental
principles of due process to the criminal justice system."
The court, which hears appeals from Texas, Mississippi and Louisiana, is by some
measures the busiest federal appeals court. Its judges decided an average of 862
cases each in 2003 - more than three each business day - compared with a
national average of 459.
In a 1992 speech, Judge King, who had not yet become the court's chief judge,
said the "sheer volume" of cases in the Fifth Circuit "has had an adverse impact
on the number of decisions that we can fairly claim have been fully considered
and understood."
"We cannot devote to more than a few cases a year," she continued, "the time
required for a careful review of a record of any length, for in-depth research
and even for prolonged, thoughtful consideration."
In an e-mail message, Judge King said, "The situation has eased somewhat since
1992 because the volume of complicated civil appeals is declining." On the other
hand, the judges on the court in 1992 decided 640 cases each year, or some 200
fewer than they do today, according to the administrative office of the federal
courts.
Other courts make essentially all their death penalty decisions available for
formal publication; in recent years, the Fifth Circuit has published only 18
percent of such decisions. And its decisions were on average half the length of
capital decisions from other federal appeals courts.
Appellate lawyers who follow the court's death penalty jurisprudence say the
court is overwhelmed by the number of capital cases, which may cause it to be
hostile to the claims of death row inmates. "You can't do death in volume," said
George H. Kendall, a lawyer with Holland & Knight in New York who represents
Delma Banks Jr., a Texas death row inmate.
At times the federal appeals court has been unfathomable to its critics. Last
December, for instance, it considered the last-minute appeal of Billy Frank
Vickers, scheduled to die for the killing of a grocer in 1993. With the inmate
already given his last meal, the judges deliberated until 9 p.m. and announced
they were leaving, with no decision. Bewildered state prison officials allowed
the death warrant to expire, granting Mr. Vickers a delay. He was executed six
weeks later.
In October, a Houston federal judge granted a last-minute stay to Dominique
Green, but the state appealed. The Fifth Circuit then gave defense lawyers less
than half an hour to file their response, Professor Dow said. A rushed brief was
e-mailed to the court and turned down. The Supreme Court also rejected a stay,
and Mr. Green was executed that night.
Instructing Jurors to Lie
Much of the tension between the Supreme Court and the two lower courts is rooted
in the instructions given to juries in Texas from 1989 to 1991.
Three Texas death penalty cases heard by the Supreme Court in the last four
years have concerned those instructions.
From 1976, when the death penalty was reinstated, until 1989, Texas juries were
generally asked only two questions at the sentencing phase of a capital trial:
Was the killing deliberate? Does the defendant pose a danger to others? If the
jurors unanimously answered yes to both, the judge was required to impose a
death sentence.
In 1989, the Supreme Court ruled that the Texas procedure was flawed because it
did not allow the jury to consider mitigating evidence that might cause it to
spare the defendant's life. But the Texas Legislature did not revise the
procedure until 1991.
In the meantime, Texas judges adopted ad hoc instructions that retained the two
questions but also told jurors that they could falsely answer "no" to one or
both questions if they thought the mitigating evidence was strong enough.
In 2001, the Supreme Court held that instructing a juror to lie was
unconstitutional. "It would have been both logically and ethically impossible
for a juror to follow both sets of instructions," Justice O'Connor wrote.
But the Fifth Circuit and the Court of Criminal Appeals continued to uphold
death sentences imposed under the unconstitutional procedure, saying that some
juries considering some mitigating evidence actually could have followed the
seemingly inconsistent instructions.
Indeed, in 2003 the entire Fifth Circuit reaffirmed that approach in a case
against Mark Robertson, convicted in 1991 of murdering a store clerk, a friend
and the friend's grandmother. He was sentenced to death for the last killing.
Judge Edith H. Jones, writing for the majority, said the Supreme Court's 2001
decision was meant to apply only to some cases in which the instructions had
been used.
Two dissenting judges said the court was simply refusing to follow the
instructions of the Supreme Court. "I am amazed," wrote one, Judge Harold R.
DeMoss Jr., that the majority "would have the audacity to turn around and reach
the same result the Supreme Court just vacated."
The Supreme Court declined without comment to hear the case again. The Court of
Criminal Appeals then stayed Mr. Robertson's execution and has not yet ruled on
his case.
In June, though, the Supreme Court returned to the subject, in even more
explicit language in the case of Robert Tennard, convicted of killing a neighbor
in Houston in 1985. The Fifth Circuit's approach, Justice O'Connor wrote in the
decision for the 6-to-3 majority, "has no foundation in the decisions of this
court."
Still, the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals appeared not to have heard the
message, and the Supreme Court addressed the topic in another case in November.
The criminal appeals court relied on "precisely the same 'screening test' we
held constitutionally inadequate" in the June decision, the decision said.
In the Miller-El case, too, which will be argued for a second time on Monday,
there is reason to expect a firm response from the court.
Mr. Miller-El, who has been on death row since 1986, contends that prosecutors
violated his constitutional rights by excluding blacks from his jury.
Writing for the majority in the Supreme Court's 8-to-1 decision last year,
Justice Anthony M. Kennedy discussed evidence that prosecutors had acted
improperly. Among other things, he noted, prosecutors questioned black potential
jurors more aggressively about their views on the death penalty than they did
white jurors.
Only Justice Thomas dissented from the decision, saying that none of the factors
cited by Justice Kennedy "presented anything remotely resembling clear and
convincing evidence of purposeful discrimination."
Mr. Miller-El, Justice Thomas wrote, "ignores the fact that of the 10 whites who
expressed opposition to the death penalty, eight were struck for cause or
removed by agreement, meaning no 'manipulative' script was necessary to get them
removed."
The Fifth Circuit's decision in February, which ruled against Mr. Miller-El,
echoed that and many other statements in Justice Thomas's dissent. "Of the 10
non-black" potential jurors "who expressed opposition to the death penalty," the
decision said, "eight were struck for cause or by agreement, meaning no
'manipulative' script was necessary to get them removed."
Judge DeMoss, the author of the Fifth Circuit decision, declined to discuss it.
Professor Dow said he was still skeptical that the two appeals courts would
follow the directions of the Supreme Court. "We're coming up on 25 executions
this year," he said. "They get away with it most of this time. They appear not
to be chastened when they do not get away with it."
Rulings in Texas Capital Cases Try Supreme Court's Patience, By ADAM LIPTAK
and RALPH BLUMENTHAL, NYT, 5.12.2004,
http://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/05/national/05texas.html
Death penalty uneven across USA
By John Ritter, USA TODAY
Posted 11/30/2004 11:16 PM,
Updated 11/30/2004
11:18 PM
REDWOOD CITY, Calif. — If Scott Peterson gets
the death penalty, he becomes the highest-profile killer facing execution in the
USA since Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh. (Related story:
Laci's mom testifies)
A jury's deliberations over the former
fertilizer salesman's fate, which could begin later this week, spotlight
America's ambivalence over capital punishment at a time when the number of death
sentences has dropped sharply.
Dozens of mistakenly convicted death row prisoners have been freed in recent
years. Two years ago, the U.S. Supreme Court banned executions of the mentally
retarded. In Illinois, the outgoing governor in January 2003 cleared the
nation's eighth biggest death row. In June, New York's highest court threw out
the state's death penalty law. Public approval of capital punishment has slid
from 80% in 1994 to 66% a decade later, according to Gallup polls.
But the Peterson case underscores unevenness around the country in applying the
death penalty. At the extremes are California, where the pace of death-sentence
appeals and executions is extremely slow, and Texas, which has put more than
three times as many inmates to death as the next closest state since the Supreme
Court reinstated capital punishment in 1976.
The 36 other states that sanction executions fall between.
While California's death row is the USA's biggest — 643 inmates — it's modest in
relation to the state's 35.5 million population. Of 11 states with at least 100
condemned inmates, nine including Texas have more per capita than California.
Only one of the 11, Pennsylvania, has a lower ratio of executions to population.
Texas has the second highest ratio after Oklahoma.
But attitudes, more than statistics, shape how
states apply the death penalty, legal scholars say.
"The culture in California takes these cases more seriously," says Stephen
Bright, director of the Southern Center for Human Rights, a death penalty
opponent. "There's not the same sort of rush to judgment as in Texas."
A comment by former governor Mark White epitomizes Texans' support for the death
penalty. He said of the "hardened criminals" whose death warrants he signed: "I
made sure they received the ultimate punishment — death — and Texas is a safer
place for it."
Many analysts think Peterson will get life without parole because he doesn't fit
the career-criminal profile typical of California death sentences. But if he's
sentenced to die for murdering his wife, Laci, and their unborn son, he likely
will spend much longer on death row than he would in Texas.
It often takes four or five years for a condemned inmate just to get an appeals
lawyer in California. In Texas, the trial judge names one after sentencing. Both
states' highest courts hear two appeals. In California, each takes several
years, and inmates who lose the first appeal wait another four or five years to
get a lawyer for the second one. In Texas, different lawyers usually handle the
two appeals, but both go on at the same time and are dispatched faster.
Federal appeals of death sentences don't start until state appeals are
exhausted. They habitually take longer in California because judges on the 9th
Circuit Court of Appeals in San Francisco reverse more death sentences than 5th
Circuit judges in New Orleans.
If Peterson goes to death row at San Quentin State Prison, he'll be among
killers who've been waiting out appeals for more than 20 years. A California
condemned inmate's average time on death row is only slightly above the national
average of 9.6 years, according to the Justice Department. But that's based on a
number of executions and commuted sentences that's small compared with the
hundreds of condemned inmates still in the system.
The average in Texas is 7.8 years. "It's not that rapid, but they do move them
along," says Richard Dieter, executive director of the Death Penalty Information
Center in Washington, D.C., a clearinghouse for capital punishment data. "They
take awhile to affirm cases, but they do get affirmed and then the execution
occurs."
A death row inmate's biggest handicap in Texas is poor lawyers, often beginning
at trial, some legal scholars say. "When a defense lawyer doesn't make a single
objection during the entire trial, there's not much for the appeals court to
review," Bright says. At least four Texas inmates have been executed after
lawyers failed to file federal appeals in time, he says.
Unlike many states, Texas has no public defenders for capital appeals. In
California, 50 public defenders and two state-funded lawyer groups take capital
cases or assist court-appointed private lawyers.
The right to appeals is universal, but the right to a lawyer is not. "There's
about five guys in Georgia representing themselves," says Robin Maher, director
of the American Bar Association's death penalty project. The ABA is neutral on
capital punishment.
Texas' condemned inmates gained the right to appeals lawyers in 1995, and only
then because "some of the larger counties realized it would be faster to kill
people if you gave them a lawyer," says Jim Marcus, executive director of the
non-profit Texas Defender Service.
In California, an appointed private lawyer with at least four years experience
who handles both state appeals earns about $240,000, spread over about a decade,
says Michael Millman, executive director of the California Appellate Project,
whose 18 state lawyers assist private lawyers.
Appointed Texas lawyers, often inexperienced, make about $25,000 per appeal,
Marcus says. His group reported in 2002 that 39% of lawyers handling one
category of appeals offered no new evidence on their defendant's behalf.
"They're the functional equivalent of a blank piece of paper," he says. "We have
the appearance of post-conviction review without any real review."
In the decade after California restored the death penalty in 1976, the state
Supreme Court reversed more than 90% of death sentences. But in 1986, voters
booted Chief Justice Rose Bird and two other liberal justices off the bench, and
their replacements swung the court around. Now reversals are rare.
Death
penalty uneven across USA, USA Today, 30.11.2004, édition papier 1.12.2004, p.
3A,
http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2004-11-30-deathpenalty_x.htm
Inmates put to death since '76
The 38 states that have the death penalty
vary
widely in how often it is used.
Inmates executed
since
the U.S. Supreme Court reinstated the death penalty in 1976,
and the number so far in 2004.
State
Total
2004
Texas
335 22
Va.
94 5
Okla.
75 6
Mo.
61 0
Fla.
59
2
Ga.
36
2
N.C. 34
4
S.C. 32
4
Ala.
30
2
La.
27
0
Ark. 26
1
Ariz. 22
0
Ohio 15
7
Del. 13
0
Ill.
12
0
Ind. 11
0
Nev. 11
2
Calif. 10
0
Miss. 6
0
Utah 6
0
Md. 4
1
Wash. 4
0
Neb. 3
0
Pa. 3
0
Ky. 2
0
Mont. 2
0
Ore. 2
0
Colo. 1
0
Idaho 1
0
N.M. 1
0
Tenn. 1
0
Wyo. 1
0
U.S.{+1} 3
0
1 — Federal executions.
No executions: Connecticut, Kansas, New
Hampshire, New Jersey, New York and South Dakota have the death penalty but have
not executed anyone since 1976.
No death penalty: Capital punishment is
banned by the District of Columbia and 12 states: Alaska, Hawaii, Iowa, Maine,
Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, North Dakota, Rhode Island, Vermont, West
Virginia, Wisconsin.
Source: Death Penalty Information Center
Inmates put to death since '76, USA Today, graphic, full story:
Death penalty uneven across USA,
http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2004-11-30-deathpenalty_x.htm
Death Penalty Information Center
added 11.12.2004
http://www.deathpenaltyinfo.org/article.php?did=199&scid=15
Slow to Execute,
California Sees Death Row
Swell
Tue Nov 9, 2004
01:36 PM ET
Reuters
By Adam Tanner
SAN QUENTIN, Calif. (Reuters) - Just the other
day, Marc Klaas received a letter explaining the latest delay in executing the
man responsible for his 12-year-old daughter Polly Klaas' brutal 1993 kidnap and
murder, a case that shocked California.
Such letters are commonplace. The state holds 628 inmates condemned to die since
California reimposed the death penalty in 1977, but it very rarely metes out
society's ultimate punishment. The state has only put 10 people to death since
resuming executions in 1992. Death in prison by natural causes is far more
common, and a prison official on Tuesday said one death row inmate had died
naturally just on Sunday.
"We've passed the 11th anniversary of my daughter's murder, we have passed the
eighth anniversary of the day he was sentenced to die, yet his appeal has not
even been done; it has not even been filed," Klaas said angrily in an interview.
"The character pretty much guaranteed that he would live longer on death row
than my daughter was given to live on this earth."
So steadily are death row ranks swelling in the nation's most populous state
that California is planning a controversial $220 million expansion of its only
prison for the condemned at San Quentin north of San Francisco.
Richard Allen Davis, Polly Klaas' killer, is housed in the area of San Quentin
designated for its most brutal murderers, awaiting the conclusion of appeals
that go through the California Supreme Court and federal courts.
Even inside the prison, where crimes against children are seen as especially
loathsome, some inmates feel that the state is not moving quickly enough against
Davis, officials said.
"Any inmate that gets a chance will try to kill him," Lt. Michael Barker, who
runs the most-violent inmate area, said during only the second visit by
journalists in 36 years.
Also hated because he helped prompt California to toughen sentences for repeat
offenders, Davis was attacked by an arriving inmate a year and a half ago,
Barker said.
DECADES AWAITING DEATH
Past history suggests it could be another decade or more before the death
penalty truly threatens Davis. "It's not unusual for a man to be in here 20
years before an execution sentence is carried out," said San Quentin warden Jill
Brown.
The last man executed, Stephen Wayne Anderson, had been on death row for 20
years before his 2002 death. According to the U.S. Department of Justice, the
average time nationwide between sentencing and execution from 1977 to 2002 was
just over 10 years with a total of 820 prisoners executed.
"The reason that it takes so long (in California) is that as a society we've
made the correct choice. If we're going to kill somebody, we better be goddamn
sure that the person actually did it and that he received a fair trial," said
Steve Fama at the Prison Law Office which represents inmates.
Some of California's most notorious murderers are not on death row. Charles
Manson and Robert Kennedy's assassin Sirhan Sirhan saw their death sentences
commuted to life in prison after court decisions cleared death row in the 1970s.
Several inmates interviewed at San Quentin, which opened in 1852, said they
hoped their sentences too would be overturned.
"Maybe I'll get a new trial and get out of here," said one prisoner who has been
on death row since 1989.
James Robinson, who has been on death row more than a decade, said the accused
with money such as O.J. Simpson or Scott Peterson -- now on trial on
double-murder charges -- stood a much better chance to avoid death than the
poor.
"If you're not poor, you're pretty much going to be getting out," he said,
speaking from behind bars.
State officials say lawyers are reluctant to take on death penalty appeals cases
which slows the process, perhaps deliberately so because some oppose the death
penalty. Overall, however, Californians support capital punishment with a Field
poll in March finding 68 percent in favor and 26 percent against.
Dane Gillette, a senior assistant California attorney general who oversees death
penalty cases, cited the many levels of judicial review and the slowness of the
courts.
"I think the process takes longer than it needs to," he said. "It is probably
averaging about 20 years in California. I would think that half that would be
more than sufficient and I actually think they could be done in five to seven
years."
Unlike in some other states, no one ever condemned to death row in the state's
history was ever shown later to be innocent of the crime, he said.
EXPENSIVE WAITING ROOM?
With death row growing by about 30 new prisoners a year, San Quentin officials
held a public meeting last week to hear sometimes angry community reaction to
their plans to build a new death row for 1,408 inmates next to the existing
prison.
"So few people are executed at San Quentin that we will be building one of the
most expensive waiting rooms in the United States," said Jack Wilkinson, past
president of the Marin Association of Realtors. "Indeed, people have a greater
chance of being killed on the highway than they do at San Quentin."
Others expressed concern about everything from the impact on traffic to the
possibility a new fence would electrocute birds at the scenic location alongside
the San Francisco Bay.
With so many complaints, few are fully satisfied over how California handles its
death row cases. Family members of the victims are particularly angry.
"They're offered far too much consideration already," said Marc Klaas. "If I had
my way I'd just stack these punks like cord wood and be done with it."
© Reuters,
Slow to Execute, California Sees Death Row Swell,
R, Tue Nov 9, 2004 01:36 PM ET
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=domesticNews&storyID=6761858
Texas Performs 20th Execution This Year
Thu Nov 4, 2004 08:33 PM ET
Reuters
HUNTSVILLE, Texas (Reuters) - A former
oilfield worker who abducted a woman from a car wash and then murdered her was
put to death by lethal injection on Thursday in the 20th execution this year in
Texas.
Robert Morrow, 47, was the second person
executed this week and the 333rd since 1982 in the nation's most active death
penalty state.
Morrow was condemned for the April 3, 1996 death of Lisa Allison, a 21-year-old
college student who was visiting her parents in Liberty, Texas, on spring break.
Morrow confessed to abducting her from a car wash while she cleaned her car,
then beating her and slashing her throat. Her body was found floating in the
Trinity River near Liberty, east of Houston.
In a final statement while strapped to a gurney in the Texas death chamber,
Morrow apologized to his victim's parents, who witnessed his execution.
"Mike and Mrs. (Susan) Allison I would like to tell you that I am responsible
and I am sorry for what I did and the pain I caused you all," he said. "Set me
free, warden. Father, accept me."
For his last meal, Morrow requested 10 pieces of crispy fried chicken, two
cheeseburgers, three fried pork chops, chef salad with chopped ham and Thousand
Island dressing, French fries and onions, five buttermilk biscuits with butter,
four jalapeno peppers, a pint of Rocky Road ice cream, one bowl of peach cobbler
or apple pie and two Sprites and two Cokes.
Texas has five more executions scheduled this year.
© Reuters, 4.11.2004
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml;jsessionid=VLP4DWR12VFFACRBAEKSFFA?type=domesticNews&storyID=6722239
California Allows
Glimpse of San Quentin
Death Row
Mon Oct 25, 2004 09:16 PM ET
Reuters
By Adam Tanner
SAN QUENTIN, Calif. (Reuters) - Shortly after
the gate slammed shut leading to aging San Quentin prison's cells housing the
most dangerous murderers already condemned to die, the warden issued a stark
warning.
"People have been killed standing where we are standing," said Jill Brown, whose
prison holds 613 men sentenced to execution but awaiting court appeals. It is
the largest death row in the nation.
Brown allowed a small group of journalists to visit death row at San Quentin on
Monday for only the second time in the past 36 years. The state's Department of
Corrections is hoping to build public support for a new $220 million death row
at the prison to house the swelling ranks of condemned inmates.
Inside the "Adjustment Center" -- a facility for the most violent inmates -- Lt.
Michael Barker went through a roster of some of the infamous inmates of this
prison on a scenic spit of land overlooking the bay north of San Francisco.
He showed a photo of Richard Allen Davis, who kidnapped and murdered 12-year-old
Polly Klaas in a crime that helped prompt California to stiffen sentences for
multiple offenders.
"Any inmate that gets a chance will try to kill him. A lot of people blame him
for the three-strikes law," said Davis, referring to a California law that
mandates a sentence of life in prison for three or more felony convictions.
Some of the toughest death row inmates have special designations, such as "spit
hood," which means the prisoner can only be moved with his mouth fully covered
to protect the guards. Even prisoners' combs, numbered and separated, are kept
outside the cells in a special box for security reasons.
Roscoe Tuilaepa, on death row since 1986 can move around the prison only with
handcuffs and leg irons. "The single most dangerous inmate to officers in this
prison," said Barker, adding that Tuilaepa's attacks had caused four guards to
retire early because of serious injuries.
Guards are authorized to respond quickly. "No warning shots fired in this unit,"
read the signs in death row.
Even when they are scheduled to die, condemned inmates are moved throughout the
day to different areas for exercise, visitation, and other programs allowed
under an agreement stemming from a 1979 lawsuit.
Those obligations to provide more than just a cell even for society's most
heinous criminals have prompted corrections officials to seek the new, more
secure death row facility.
"GRADE A" KILLER
San Quentin was opened in 1852 and in recent years has taken in about 30 new
death row inmates annually. Because of lengthy appeals, on average just one man
a year is executed -- a far slower rate than in smaller states such as Texas.
"It's not unusual for a man to be here 20 years before an execution sentence is
carried out," said Smith.
The new death row would house 1,408 death row inmates, large enough for the next
25 years, said John McNitt, site manager for the "condemned inmate complex."
Construction could begin next year with the goal not to enhance their lives but
to meet legal obligations regarding prisoners, officials said.
One of those waiting to die is mass murder Richard Wade Farley, 56, a computer
programer in Silicon Valley who shot dead seven people and wounded five others
after he was fired for harassing a female co-worker.
On Monday, Farley was quietly playing chess in a barred area outside his cell.
Although a number of other inmates expressed hopes they would one day win their
freedom, Farley was under no such illusion.
"I don't think anybody will commute my sentence," he said in an interview
through the bars.
Farley has spent 12 years in San Quentin playing chess, doing math and crossword
puzzles. A new death row facility mattered little to him. "You're going to be in
a four-and-a-half-by-ten cell no matter where you go," he said. "I don't know
what the difference will be."
Farley is considered a "Grade A" prisoner, which means he is allowed slightly
better conditions than the "Grade B" inmates considered a serious danger. Grade
B prisoners are kept alone in small enclosed pens in a yard during exercise
time, while Grade A prisoners are allowed out together in yards fenced with
concertina wire.
Source : © Reuters,
25.10.2004,
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=domesticNews&storyID=6605242
National Briefing
South: Louisiana:
Jury Sentences Retarded
Man To Death
October 15, 2004
A jury sentenced Derrick Todd Lee to death in
the killing of Charlotte Murray Pace, 22, of Baton Rouge, apparently rejecting
defense testimony that he is mentally retarded. A Supreme Court decision from
2002 forbids executing the mentally retarded. Mr. Lee, 35, has been linked by
DNA evidence to the deaths of seven women from 1998 to 2003 . In August, he was
sentenced to life in prison in the death of a West Baton Rouge woman.
NYT,
15.10.2004, South: Louisiana: Jury Sentences Retarded Man To Death,
http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9F00E0DA173AF936A25753C1A9629C8B63&fta=y
Death penalty
The U.S. Supreme Court approved the
constitutionality of the death penalty in 1976. Texas, with 322, is the state
with the highest rate of executions.
Maryland
Executes Man for Murder of Newlywed, Fri Jun 18, 2004 02:22 AM ET, R, 18.6.2004,
http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=domesticNews&storyID=5454270&pageNumber=1
Death Row killer's redemption song
Wednesday, 30 July, 2003,
09:19 GMT 10:19 UK
BBC News > World Edition
A Nobel Peace Prize nominee - and convicted
killer - could be executed as early as next year. BBC News Online's Chris
Summers visited him recently on Death Row at San Quentin prison in California.
When 17-year-old Stanley Williams and his pal Raymond Washington founded the
Crips street gang in Los Angeles 32 years ago they created a Frankenstein's
monster.
The Crips have spread, like a plague, to cities and towns in 43 US states, as
well as Canada, South Africa and Germany.
Originally founded in black communities of
South Central LA, Crips now include as members white farmboys in states like
Tennessee and Arkansas.
When he was sentenced to death for four
murders in 1981 Williams was still very proud of the Crips and revelled in being
leader of the notoriously bloodthirsty alliance.
He spent seven years in solitary confinement after prison officials were warned
about a gang war which was about to erupt behind bars.
But gradually he realised the error of his ways and in 1993 he began work on a
series of books which encouraged kids not to join gangs or get involved in
violence.
In 2001 he was nominated for the Nobel Peace
Prize by Swiss MP Mario Fehr because of his "extraordinary youth violence
prevention and intervention work", which includes his own website.
But Williams' struggle for redemption may have
come too late to save his life.
He was convicted of murdering cashier Alvin Owens, 26, in a February 1979
robbery at a 7-11 store which netted only $120.
Two weeks later he is said to have killed Robert Yang, his wife Tsai-Shai and
their daughter Ye Chen Lin at the LA motel they ran.
Williams - nicknamed Tookie or Big Took because of the muscular bulk he built up
through weightlifting - has always denied all four murders.
He said his conviction was based on "hearsay"
from witnesses - who claimed to have heard him bragging of the crimes - who had
either been beaten or bribed into making their statements.
One witness, Samuel Coleman, had his ribs fractured and later said he was so
scared he would have told the police anything. The prosecution later admitted it
had been an "illegal interrogation".
'Irredeemable'
Williams blames his predicament on "bad karma" caused by the numerous
"atrocities" he committed against members of the black community, mainly rival
gangsters.
He says of the prison authorities: "They've kept me fossilised in the amber of a
gang past. They thought of me as irredeemable and they thought I would not
change."
Williams has now been on Death Row for 22 years and his dramatic life story
seems to be drawing to a conclusion.
Last year three judges on the ninth circuit of the US federal appeals court
upheld his death sentence.
'Laudable' efforts
But, in an almost unprecedented move, they also suggested California's Governor
Gray Davis commuted it to life because of Williams' "laudable" efforts to
educate youngsters about gangs.
His lawyers are planning to appeal against the decision to uphold the death
sentence and may ask for a majority decision by all 28 judges on the ninth
circuit.
If this fails, the ball will be in Governor Davis' court.
He is currently fighting an attempt to have
him "recalled" - or thrown out of office - despite being comfortably re-elected
last year.
With his popularity ratings at rock bottom, Mr
Davis may consider it electoral suicide to commute Williams' death sentence as
it would leave him open to accusations by his Republican opponents that he is
soft on crime.
A few days before I visited Williams on Death Row at San Quentin prison a
message - or "kite" - was reportedly found at Corcoran state prison near the
state capital Sacramento.
The note was said to have claimed some of the 1,500 Crips incarcerated in
California were planning to step up attacks on prison guards and police
officers, possibly including murder, if the state went ahead and executed
Williams.
From what Mr Williams has said he has rejected
that [gang] life but he remains the spiritual leader of the Crips
Dept of Corrections spokeswoman
The kite led to 4,000 black inmates in California jails being subjected to a
"lockdown", which confined them to their cells and curtailed visits and other
privileges.
There is a fear that if Williams' execution goes ahead Crips will seek to
"avenge" him, although he insists he would not condone any attack on prison
guards or police officers.
A California Department of Corrections spokeswoman said: "From what Mr Williams
has said he has rejected that [gang] life but he remains the spiritual leader of
the Crips."
________
Gang facts
12,000 Crips, 5,000 Bloods and 30,000 Latino
gangsters in LA alone
About 250 gang-related murders in LA every year
Estimated 1,500 Crips in California jails, and another 1,000 Bloods
Death
Row killer's redemption song, BBC News > World Edition > Wednesday, 30 July,
2003, 09:19 GMT 10:19 UK,
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/3070463.stm
Related >
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stanley_Williams
©
Steve Bell 2001
cartoon
The Guardian
12.6.2001
http://www.guardian.co.uk/cartoons/stevebell/0,7371,531759,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/cartoons/archive/stevebell/0,7371,337764,00.html
A glance, a nod,
silence and death
A glance, silence and death
Special report: Timothy McVeigh
Tuesday June 12, 2001
The
Guardian
Julian Borger in
Terre Haute
Timothy McVeigh was killed
yesterday in exactly the way he had wanted - at the centre of attention, with a
nation hanging on every gesture. His four-minute execution by lethal injection
in Indiana, at the flat, green centre of the United States, was perhaps the most
minutely scrutinised death in history.
McVeigh died with his eyes open and without uttering a word as he lay
strapped to the execution table surrounded by witnesses and watched by a camera
mounted on the ceiling. As a lethal series of three chemicals passed through yel
low and grey tubes into his right leg, he looked straight into the camera, and
through it to his surviving victims watching from Oklahoma City, where he had
bombed his way into history six years ago. Witnesses saw him take a couple of
deep breaths and gradually lose colour until he was a pale yellow.
In the minutes before he died, he appears to have done everything possible
to demonstrate his control over events, from a curt nod to each of the media
witnesses to the borrowed verses - laid out in McVeigh's own neat but childlike
handwriting - that he handed to the prison warden before his death. The poem
was, as he had said it would be, Invictus written by the British poet William
Earnest Henley in 1875. It ends with the words: "I am the master of my fate/I am
the captain of my soul."
The manner of McVeigh's killing conspired with him to amplify his sense of
grandeur. The execution was watched by 10 journalists, McVeigh's lawyers,
government officials, 10 survivors and victims' relatives in Terre Haute and
another 232 in Oklahoma City, linked by satellite feed. They had insisted on
watching and the injection was held up for 10 minutes while engineers scrambled
to fix a fault in the transmission.
Outside, 100 opponents of the death penalty held a silent vigil, and a
handful of its supporters jeered. It is safe to say that no one's mind was
changed; another federal execution is due in Terre Haute next week. In
Washington, President Bush said McVeigh's victims had been given "not vengeance,
but justice" - but his unshakeable faith in capital punishment is about to meet
its most outraged critics as he begins his first official visit to Europe today.
The witnesses relayed a detailed picture of the event. By the time they
arrived, McVeigh had already watched television news about himself for the last
time, and had been strapped to the execution table, a black padded hospital-
like piece of furniture, with its back raised at a 40-degree angle.
"He cooperated entirely during the time he was restrained in the execution
holding cell to the time he walked into the execution room," Harley Lappin, the
Terre Haute warden, said. "He stepped up on to a small step and sat down on the
table where he then positioned himself for us to apply the restraints."
Then the curtain shielding the execution chamber from the three witness
rooms was opened, and McVeigh raised his head up as far as he could to nod at
and make eye-contact with those who had come to watch. "He seemed almost to be
trying to take charge of the room and understand his circumstances, nodding at
each one of us individually." Then he gave a "sort of cursory glance toward the
government section. He lay there very still," one of the witnesses, Shepard
Smith, of the Fox News Channel, said. "He never said a word. His lips were very
tight. He nodded his head a few times. He blinked a few times."
He was covered up to his shoulders with a white sheet, tightly bound
"almost like a mummy" one of the witnesses said. Linda Cavanaugh, a television
reporter from Oklahoma City said: "The last time I saw Tim McVeigh was in the
courtroom in Denver. He had changed markedly. He was paler, he was thinner, and
he did not have the same look of arrogance that he had in the courtroom in
Denver."
McVeigh's fellow inmates had reported that he had kept a vegetarian diet
in order to appear more emaciated on the day of his death. But for his last meal
on Sunday, he ate two pints of mint chocolate ice cream.
Mr Lappin, the warden and Frank Anderson, a US marshal, spoke the only
words during the execution. A few minutes after 7am (1pm BST), after the glitch
with the Oklahoma City television link had been fixed, the warden told the
convict: "Inmate McVeigh, you may make your last statement," but there was only
silence. Mr Lappin then turned to Mr Anderson and said: "Marshal, we are ready.
May we proceed?" Mr Anderson then picked up a red phone in the execution
chamber, an open line to the justice department's command centre, and asked
permission to go ahead. He put down the receiver and told the warden: 'We may
proceed with the execution.'"
At 7.10, the warden announced that the first chemical, sodium pentothal,
had been administered, to send him to sleep, followed a minute later by
pancuronium bromide, to paralyse his lungs, and then one minute after that,
potassium chloride, to stop his heart - all fed through tubes from a "chemical
room" next door.
"His eyes did roll back slightly. I also saw the gulping breath, where his
cheeks bubbled up. And I saw that twice," Nolan Clay, of the Daily Oklahoman,
said.
Susan Carlson, a Chicago radio reporter said: "His skin began to turn a
very strange shade of yellow towards the end. And he remained extremely rigid."
At 7.14 the warden announced that McVeigh was dead and declared: "This
concludes the execution."
Outside the squat red-brick prison, the air quickly filled with competing
interpretations of the death. McVeigh's lawyer, Robert Nigh, apologised to the
relatives of his 168 victims that his client had never expressed remorse and
said he did not fault them for trying to seek relief in his killing.
"But if killing Tim McVeigh does not bring peace or closure to them, I
suggest to you that it is our fault," Mr Nigh said. "We have told them that we
would help them heal their wounds in this way. We have taken it upon ourselves
to promise to extract vengeance for them. We have made killing a part of the
healing process."
Of the survivors and victims' relatives who came to watch, some complained
that the death had been too easy. But most expressed satisfaction. "I'm elated,"
said Sue Ashford, a survivor. "I didn't want him being paid for by taxpayers'
money. That ice cream is the last food we're ever going to buy him."
Outside the penitentiary gates, as the sun began to rise, the execution
was generating some free publicity for a couple of desperate media ventures.
A man dressed in a wedding gown danced with glee as the news of McVeigh's
death filtered out. He was there to publicise a private radio station in
Illinois.
Chris Joy, meanwhile, had come all the way from Alaska to spread the word
of his own radio channel by holding up a placard declaring: "Happy Death Day,
Burn in Hell" from "KZND, Alaska's New Rock Alternative."
"Cool deal," Mr Joy said, when asked what he thought about the execution.
"It's good for the country."
A glance, a nod, silence and death
: A glance, silence and death, G, 12.6.2001,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/mcveigh/story/0,7369,505531,00.html
[ Note : Dans la liste ci-dessous, certains liens sont inactifs.
Ils sont
laissés pour référence. ]
Audio
McVeigh attempts to 'control' execution
McVeigh's final statement
The poem
Invictus, by William Ernest Henley
George Bush's statement
Full text of statement
Comment
11.06.2001: The killer is dead, long live the killer
The issue explained
The
execution of Timothy McVeigh
Talk about it
What do you think?
Graphic
Inside the
execution chamber
What the papers say
McVeigh's final hours
Related articles
11.06.2001: McVeigh executed
11.06.2001: Beyond McVeigh: executions worldwide
11.06.2001: McVeigh faces his day of reckoning
11.06.2001: John Sutherland on the execution
09.06.2001: Death row diaries reveal McVeigh's goal of martyrdom
16.05.2001: FBI bottom draw yields more bomb files
06.05.2001: McVeigh's letters to the Observer
05.05.2001: John Ronson on Timothy McVeigh
Original reports
20.04.1995: Workers describe panic and horror
14.06.1997: Oklahoma bomber is to be executed
Photo gallery
The blast and its
aftermath
Useful links
Lethal
injection: how it works
Oklahoma
City national memorial
Oklahoma City
bombing photographs
Oklahoma City
bombing trial
National coalition to abolish the
death penalty
Pro death penalty.com
One capital case
tests the threshold of proof
Feb. 6, 2001, 4:51PM
By JAMES KIMBERLY
The Houston Chronicle
LIVINGSTON -- In the great death penalty debate, the case of Anthony Graves is
one for both sides.
The 35-year-old father of three sits on death row at the Terrell Unit here for
the barbarous 1992 murder of a Somerville family. Bobbie Joyce Davis, 45; her
16-year-old daughter, Nicole; and four grandchildren, between 4 and 9 years old,
were shot, stabbed and beaten to death in the middle of the night. Their home
was set ablaze to conceal the crime.
"I have never encountered anything any worse," said former Burleson County
District Attorney Charles Sebesta, whose December retirement brought an end to a
25-year career as a prosecutor. "It's absolutely as bad as you can get."
But as bad as the crime was, the evidence against Graves is arguably even worse.
A new Houston Chronicle poll found that six out of 10 Texans believe there
should be a higher threshold of proof required in capital cases. Yet Graves'
case is an example of how little it can take to send someone to death row.
No physical evidence tied him to the crime, and prosecutors could never ascribe
to him a strong motive. Instead, the case was built almost exclusively on the
testimony of Robert Carter, who confessed to the crime but later claimed police
pressured him into naming an accomplice -- any accomplice. He went to his death
proclaiming Graves' innocence.
Graves insists, as he has since the day he was arrested, that he did not
participate in the horrific crime.
"I've been in this business 28 years ... I've handled over 13,000 cases. I can
tell when somebody is giving me a snow job," said former state District Judge
Jay Burnett of Houston who is representing Graves on appeal. "If he is lying,
he's one of the best I've ever seen."
Graves' journey to death row began with the arrest of Carter.
It wasn't hard to finger Carter for the crime. He showed up at the Davis family
funeral in Somerville, 90 miles northwest of Houston. He was stricken with grief
and covered in burns. Under police questioning, he quickly confessed to the
crime.
He told police he went to the Davis home that August night to confront Lisa
Davis, the girlfriend he continued to see on occasion despite his recent
marriage to Theresa Carter.
He said he was upset because Lisa was demanding more child support for their
4-year-old son, Jason. He also believed she was trying to sabotage his marriage
by leaving things in his car for his wife to find or by harassing her over the
telephone.
Carter said he went to the house expecting to find Lisa there and the children
at a relative's house in Houston. He was wrong on both counts.
Thirteen days before he was executed for the murders, Carter gave a sworn
statement exonerating Graves and Theresa Carter, who earlier had been indicted
for the crimes but had the charges dropped. Carter described in detail how he
committed them by himself.
Carter said he arrived about 2 a.m. and confronted Bobbie Davis in the living
room. He said he hit her in the head with a hammer, then pulled out a knife with
a 6-inch blade and stabbed her to death.
Then he ventured back into a bedroom, where he found his son and stabbed the boy
to death.
From there, he went into the bedroom where 16-year-old Nicole and 9-year-old
De'Nitra were sleeping.
Carter said he hit Nicole in the head with the hammer and she woke up. He said
he pulled his .22-caliber pistol and emptied it in her. Then he stabbed
De'Nitra.
While he was in the room, the door opened. It was 6-year-old Brittany and
5-year-old Lea'Erin. He said he turned on them as well and stabbed them to
death.
He went to his car to retrieve a five-gallon can of gasoline from the trunk,
according to his sworn statement. He doused the bodies and the house and set
them on fire. Vapors flared up and flames hit him the face and arms, burning
him, he said.
The harrowing story was far different from the statement that resulted in
Graves' arrest.
Skeptical of Carter's claim that he alone wielded three murder weapons, police
pushed him for the name of an accomplice. Carter said officers threatened to
charge his wife if he did not point to someone. He named Graves.
"I never been in trouble before and I fell through the crack and I told them,"
Carter said in the sworn statement. "I gave them a name even though I knew he
didn't know anything about this."
Carter told police Graves participated in the murders because he was angry with
Bobbie Davis because she received a promotion over his mother at the Brenham
school for juvenile offenders where they both worked. The promotion occurred
several years before the murders were committed.
At first, Carter's statement was the only thing linking Graves to the crime.
There was no physical evidence tying him to the scene. Unlike Carter, Graves was
not burned.
But once authorities had him in custody, the case against him seemed to grow
stronger.
Graves said police questioned him for hours but failed to elicit a confession.
Then they locked him in a jail cell across an aisle from Carter.
At least two Burleson County sheriff's deputies said they heard Graves threaten
Carter to get him to change his story. A jail nurse said that while Carter was
incarcerated, he suffered bruises on his neck that appeared to be caused by a
choking from a small man. Graves stands 5 feet 6 inches tall.
At Graves' 1994 trial, Burleson County prosecutors called the three jail
employees as well as a jail inmate who claimed he heard Graves incriminate
himself while talking to Carter about the crime.
Prosecutors also called a medical examiner who testified that the stab wounds
could have been made by a kind of knife Graves once owned, or by one of several
other types of knives. The murder weapon was never recovered.
That was the case against Graves. Sebesta admits it was not one of his
strongest.
"I've had some slam-dunk cases," he said.
"It was not a slam-dunk case."
Still, Sebesta said he has no doubts about Graves' guilt.
"I'm personally comfortable with the conviction," he said. "If I were not, I
would be the first one to step up and say so."
Sebesta said he believes Carter and Graves committed the murders with the help
of Theresa Carter. Initially, she was charged with capital murder, but Sebesta
said he did not have sufficient evidence to prosecute so he dropped the case
against her.
Sebesta said Carter told six or seven versions of what happened the night of the
murders. He believes Carter tried to recant his testimony against Graves because
he feared if he didn't, Graves would implicate Theresa Carter in the crime.
Graves insists he couldn't implicate the woman even if he wanted to. He said he
spent the night of the murders with his girlfriend and with his family.
At Graves' trial, his brother Arthur Curry and his girlfriend, Yolanda Mathis,
were to testify on his behalf. His brother did testify that Graves was with the
family all night. Mathis, however, did not.
Before she was to take the stand, Sebesta asked the judge to warn her that she
was considered a suspect in the slayings and that her testimony could be used
against her. Mathis fled the courthouse in fear.
During a recent interview from death row, Graves explained away the case against
him.
He denied threatening Carter, although he does admit he confronted him.
"All I asked this man," Graves said, "is `Why did you lie on me? For my mother,
for my family, will you please tell the truth?' "
Graves also said he understands why the jury convicted him.
"I ask myself if I was on the jury could I have been impartial?" he said. "I
don't think so. You've got to prove to me you didn't do it. This was a case that
was high on emotions."
Graves has been on death row six years, and he is running out of opportunities
to prove his innocence.
He appealed his conviction on the grounds there was insufficient evidence to
corroborate Carter's testimony, but the Court of Criminal Appeals disagreed with
him. The court also rejected his habeas corpus appeal.
Graves is now represented by Burnett and Austin attorney Roy Greenwood. They are
trying to convince the Court of Criminal Appeals that Graves deserves a second
habeas appeal because his first attorney did not properly investigate or prepare
for the case.
Among the most egregious mistakes they cite was the original attorney's failure
to subpoena Robert Carter, which meant the court never heard Carter's
recantation. The attorneys are battling to get a court to consider the new
evidence.
Graves said he hopes for the best as he fears the worst.
"When you know you haven't done nothing, you can't help but have hope," he said.
"But I'd be lying to you if I said I wasn't scared.
"They don't send you here to let you go. They've got you here to execute you."
One capital case tests the threshold of proof, HC, Feb. 6, 2001, 4:51PM,
http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/ssistory.mpl/special/penalty/815415
Capital punishment
deeply rooted in the South
Such forces as culture, violence
account for strict view of justice
Feb. 5, 2001, 12:51AM
The Houston Chronicle
By MIKE TOLSON
Thirty-eight states have capital punishment laws on their books. As a practical
matter, though, the death penalty is the province of the South.
Three-quarters of the 693 executions that have been carried out since 1977
belong to the 12 Southern states, even though 26 other states, including
Pennsylvania and California, have the death penalty on their books. If you add
the states that border the South, the figure rises to about 90 percent.
Even the federal system, where U.S. attorneys have to request permission from
the attorney general to seek the death penalty, has not minimized this
disparity. Of the 26 death sentences handed out by federal juries from 1988 to
2000, 23 were cases from Southern or border states.
This is not new. The South has always been fertile ground for capital
punishment. It led the nation in executions in the earliest times, when there
was barely a nation to speak of, and maintained its position to the modern era.
From 1930 to 1967, the states below the "Smith and Wesson" line accounted for 12
of the top 16 spots on the list of total executions. Even Mississippi, ranking
near the bottom in population, made the top 10.
To understand why this is so is no simple task. On one level, executions can be
seen as part of a broader violent streak in the South, a place known for higher
overall rates of homicide, assault and domestic physical abuse.
This streak has been amply documented by statisticians, filmmakers, historians,
journalists and every Southern novelist who has ever picked up a pen. Social
scientists have mulled it for decades and put forward a laundry list of theories
as explanation.
They say it has something to do with a prolonged rural/frontier experience, the
loss of the Civil War and a "siege mentality" that places blame on others, as
well as a related, persistent sense of victimhood. Southerners have long felt
the need to defend their region against attack, be it from the Union army,
carpetbaggers, civil rights agitators, trade union organizers, Catholics,
Darwinists or the federal government, and often they have done so violently.
Some historians contend the South is a prisoner of its past. Sheldon Hackney,
former president of Tulane University, wrote an oft-cited treatise on Southern
violence that pointed out how heavily the region's history of guilt, defeat and
poverty weigh on its psyche. More important even than those, he said, is a
longstanding "sense of grievance" that lies at the heart of Southern identity.
There seems little doubt that the region's violent tendencies are intertwined
with its racial past. A common explanation for the South's determined use of
capital punishment invariably begins with a long retreat into history, all the
way back to the days of slavery and what some historians have called the "logic
of exclusion."
Slavery by its nature means setting a group of people apart, separating them
from the rights, duties and protections that otherwise apply. Slaves may be
human, but they live in a world vastly different and of much less consequence
than citizens do. Lynching, for example, was tolerated in the South for many
years because the victims -- mostly the descendants of slaves -- were outside
the larger community that held power.
This way of thinking became embedded in Southern culture. By maintaining a
strong sense of "us" and "not us," superior and inferior, master and servant,
Southern society made it easier to end the lives of those who are "not us,"
regardless of their race.
It is no feat to place criminals, especially vicious killers, robbers and
rapists, into another category of creature. As one recent letter-writer to the
Houston Chronicle opined, carrying out the death penalty is the equivalent of
euthanizing a rabid dog.
"It's almost like war, where you have to demonize the enemy -- Germans have to
become krauts," said Rice University sociologist Stephen Klineberg. "You can't
execute people until you are convinced that they are almost an animal, that they
are not us."
Never was this more on display than in the East Texas town of Palestine in
September 1952. At the close of a trial involving the rape of a 15-year-old
white girl, the prosecutor let jurors know in unmistakable terms that the
defendant was not a true member of their community.
"If you turn a deaf ear to the thousands of mothers who have daughters of her
age, haven't you formed a league with death and a covenant with hell?" the
prosecutor said. "This Negro is a lustful animal, without anything to transform
him to any kind of valuable citizen, because he lacks the very fundamental
elements of mankind."
(One reason black Americans are less supportive of the death penalty than
whites, Klineberg said, is that despite being victimized more frequently by
criminals, they also know what it is like to be treated as an inferior class.
"They are much more likely to have empathy and see these people as full human
beings," he said.
For that reason, and others, prosecutors until recently often fought to keep
blacks off juries, a practice no longer legal.)
Death penalty lawyers, legal commentators and criminologists like to carry on
about American "exceptionalism" when it comes to the death penalty. The fact
that the United States still has a death penalty and uses it frequently makes
the country exceptional among the Western democracies.
It is the country's racial history, which in large part is the story of the
South, that is responsible for this unique if unadmired status, some scholars
argue.
"If it is possible to imagine Southern history without slavery, without this
history of violent exclusion and subordination of an entire race of people, I
suggest we wouldn't be ... today pondering what is as much Southern
exceptionalism as American exceptionalism," said William Forbath, a professor at
the University of Texas law school.
If one were to map executions, Forbath said, the result would tie in closely
with what he called religious fundamentalism.
"You have to have a fundamentalist conscience to always say, `An eye for an
eye,' " he said.
The role of Southern religion in excusing or inspiring executions may be
embedded almost as deeply as race. Southern evangelical traditions blend plenty
of Old Testament vengefulness with veneration of Jesus and calls to salvation.
More than that, however, is a way of viewing the world that is relatively
uncomplicated.
"Southern evangelicals have tended to believe in right and wrong, black and
white, almost in a binary way," said John Boles, a Rice history professor and
editor of the Journal of Southern History. "Everything comes down to being saved
or not saved. There is the state of unbelievers and the state of the saved. You
choose between two clear opposites.
"There's not a lot of room for ambiguity, for gray."
It seems reasonable, Boles added, to assume that this way of viewing religion
would carry over into one's view of the world.
"If the religious frame of mind is that binary, how does that affect the other
things that you believe?" he said.
Unlike religious thought in the North, the emphasis for Southern Baptists, in
particular, was on personal salvation. There may have been an expectation of
charity, but little religiously inspired social reform -- in fact, quite the
opposite.
Slavery was embraced by many as a divinely inspired institution that made
Christians out of savages, a view for which the Southern Baptist Convention
apologized a few years ago. That meant that the inherent cruelty and violence
necessary to impose such an institution was accepted, even if individual
slaveholders were scolded for not treating their slaves in a "Christian" manner.
Generations later, through the Jim Crow era and into modern times, we still see
the residue of that acceptance, including higher rates of violent crime and
perhaps the violence of how the government responds to it.
What any or all of this has to do with Houston becomes clear by taking a
peek into the city's origins.
Though the Texas of popular myth is synonymous with cattle drives, outlaws, oil
wells and the mythology of the American West, its forested eastern flank has
much more in common with the Old South. And so it is with Houston. The national
press enjoys painting the city as a freewheeling, gun-toting, yahooing frontier
town, a caricature that often obscures its Southern genesis.
Only 100 miles from Louisiana, Houston was settled by Southerners and was tied
to the Southern plantation economy, serving as a railhead and river port for
cotton, sugar cane, rice and timber. The city had its own slave market and slave
population. After the Civil War, these freed slaves established their own
community along with former slaves from nearby plantations.
How much this history might bear on Houston's attitude toward law and justice is
a fair matter for conjecture. It is reasonable to think the dominant strains of
Southern culture resonated here well into the modern era, among them the legacy
of oppression maintained by a bully subclass of civic leaders. One obvious sign
of that oppression was the way blacks were treated by the criminal justice
system.
Still on file in Huntsville are pleas for help from numerous black prisoners on
death row in the 1940s and '50s. All complained of being tortured into
confessing that they had raped white women. More than a few were from Houston.
"I was arrested about midnight on May 30, 1948, by the city police in Houston,"
inmate William Wilson described in a typical affidavit. "After my arrest I was
carried to the city jail and put in a room where I was placed in a corner and
beat unmercifully, as I refused to sign a statement they had written out. The
men would come into the room two at a time, and after about 36 hours of this
beating, questioning and no sleep, I signed the statement since I knew they
would not stop."
Wilson was executed in 1950. He was one of 18 black men from Harris County
executed by the state for rape. The last such killing took place in April 1964.
Ultimately, the Houston political and business elite, like its counterparts
across Dixie, had to cede civil rights and a small measure of power to its black
population. (There was little Hispanic presence until the 1980s.) Police
practices changed as public pressure increased. Nobody seriously suggests that
the climate surrounding politics or law enforcement is close to what it was 40
years ago.
But the long history of divided populations and the South's willingness to
violently maintain an unjust social order has left an aftermath which some
believe is still visible in its political rhetoric and law-and-order posturing.
If there's one thing Southern candidates have seldom waffled on, it is the death
penalty -- candidates for district attorney least of all.
"I don't know that juries in the South are more likely to give the death penalty
than juries anywhere else," said Tim Floyd, a Lubbock attorney and law professor
who has handled numerous prominent capital appeals. "The reason for the
disproportionate numbers in the South is found in prosecutorial discretion. They
seek it so much more often."
Enter Johnny Holmes.
With his handlebar mustache and no-nonsense demeanor, Holmes resembled
everybody's idea of the sheriff of Dodge City. Blunt and sometimes crude, he
even sounded more like a lawman than an officer of the court. But the theme of
his tenure was a pattern of justice derived from the same Old Testament
sermonizing that echoed every Sunday from a thousand Southern pulpits.
He confessed that one reason he consistently opposed legislative attempts to
give juries the option of a life-without-parole sentence is the knowledge that
they would use it more often than he liked. Some people, he felt, just need to
be killed.
"Personally, I think there are some cases that, even if we had that rule, that
we ought not to support these slugs for the rest of their lives," Holmes once
said.
"Is that cold? That's realistic."
A native of Houston who grew up in the affluent enclave of River Oaks, Holmes
was a product of his time and place. His first foray into politics was leading a
petition drive at UT opposing the integration of athletics and school
dormitories.
"I was one of those who wasn't for the integration issue," he told the Chronicle
in 1998. "I was 18 years old. I was raised in a segregated society, and I didn't
like the fact they were picking on athletics."
Holmes' father was a strong supporter of law enforcement and preached often
about the need for consequences. By the time the young man had found his way to
the DA's office, he was the embodiment of gung-ho. As a young assistant, he had
a reputation for working long hours, seeking maximum sentences and giving no one
preferential treatment.
"The saying about Johnny is that he would indict his own grandmother," a top
defense attorney once said. "I don't think he's ever been tested on his own
grandmother."
But he did turn his uncle in for income tax evasion for not declaring several
thousands of dollars stashed in his home. He has been known to dress down his
prosecutors for jaywalking and minor traffic infractions.
Holmes was adamant that race never figured in his decision of whether to pursue
the death penalty in any case, and most people involved in the system believe
him. In fact, he claims he seldom knew the race of the defendant before signing
off on the prosecution.
But the statistics from his tenure tell the same familiar story that haunts many
states, especially in the South.
Of the 246 men and women Harris County has sent to death row in the modern era,
68 percent have been minorities. More than half are black. Though this figure
roughly corresponds, racially speaking, to arrest statistics, it also is much
higher than the rest of the state. Of the non-Harris County population sent to
death row, 52 percent are minority and only 31 percent are black -- figures that
are closer to the national average.
Curiously, Harris County has sent fewer white people, as a percentage, to death
row since 1975 than it did through the 1930s, '40s and '50s, when racially
tinged prosecutions were part of the criminal justice landscape.
One reason for the disparity is the nature of capital crime in Houston. The most
common underlying felony to earn a death sentence is robbery, and those inclined
to commit it come from lower economic classes, a disproportionate percentage of
which is minority.
The list of executed Harris County inmates includes 22 black men and 16 whites
convicted of killing during a robbery. Among the county population awaiting
execution for such a crime, the difference is even more striking: 46 black and
14 white inmates.
Beyond that, robbery victims tend to be white. This is crucial because the
statistical association between the race of the victim and the likelihood of a
death sentence being pursued is hard to deny.
Nationally, 82 percent of the victims in cases in which an execution has taken
place were white. However, 45 percent of executed defendants were minority. Of
those awaiting execution, the minority percentage rises to almost 54 percent.
Texas figures are comparable.
"Robbery is the only truly interracial crime where you have a majority of
minority offenders and a majority of white victims," said Burk Foster, a death
penalty criminologist at the University of Louisiana-Lafayette. "Most homicides
are within the same race, except for robberies."
And the death penalty, he said, is driven more by the victim than the offender.
"I think it's a class thing," Foster said. "In deciding whether to seek a death
sentence, we look at the value of the victims to society."
Capital punishment deeply rooted in the South, HC, Feb. 5, 2001, 12:51AM,
http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/ssistory.mpl/special/penalty/814478
Between life and death
Borderline capital cases raise questions of justice
Feb. 5, 2001, 7:40PM
The Houston Chronicle
By MIKE TOLSON
Once upon a time he was a model kid whose nickname was Sunshine. Now he
frowns much of the time and is bitter over the recent events of his life. A
couple of years on death row will do that to you.
Anthony Haynes has no one else to blame, of course. He didn't have to get
involved with drugs or the dangerous crowd they often attract. ADVERTISEMENT
He did not have to participate in a brief robbery spree in May 1998.
And God knows he did not have to shoot police Sgt. Kent Kincaid. Drunk on the
power of a gun and the arrogance of youth, he alone was responsible for his
decision, and the series of bad decisions that led to it.
No one disputes the stupidness of the crime or the anguish it caused Kincaid's
family. But was it capital murder? And if so, did prosecutors need to push for a
death sentence?
In the big cities of Texas, where capital charges amount to a third or more of
the murder cases filed, prosecutors face that question hundreds of times a year.
The way those in Harris County have chosen to answer it, so often in the
affirmative, has given rise to a mounting chorus of criticism and a local death
row roster larger than that from the rest of urban Texas combined -- 211 either
executed or waiting to be.
Although no one can argue there is any such thing as a "good" capital murder,
one can assert a hierarchy in those most deserving of death. The more people you
put on death row, defense attorneys insist, the more you delve into iffy cases
and the more inmates you end up with like Haynes, whose conviction raises as
many questions as it answers.
In the murder of Sgt. Kincaid, the matter of how to pursue justice was settled
early. Because Kincaid was a Houston police officer, albeit an off-duty one, at
the time he was shot, the response was an unequivocal thumbs-up for the death
penalty.
It did not matter that Kincaid had pursued Haynes after an object, only later
determined to be a .25-caliber bullet, cracked the officer's windshield as
Haynes' pickup drove past. It did not matter that Kincaid was not in uniform or
that he may not have used the best judgment in attempting to approach the
truck's driver without a patrol car present to support him.
What mattered was that he was a police officer killed by a criminal.
"It wasn't a capital case and shouldn't have been tried as a capital case," said
Robert Alton Jones, one of Haynes' trial attorneys. "There were people in the
DA's office that did not think these were factual circumstances that supported a
charge of capital murder. But there was one person who had the opinion it was."
If the recently retired John B. Holmes Jr. stood for anything in his two decades
as Harris County district attorney, it was the sanctity of the badge. Not once
did he fail to seek the death penalty for a person charged with murdering a
Houston police officer or Harris County sheriff's deputy.
"If you substitute somebody else for the police officer and keep everything
else, (prosecutors) probably would not have sought death," said Alvin Nunnery,
Haynes' other trial lawyer.
Assistant District Attorney Mark Vinson said the state had every right to ask
for Haynes' death. Because Kincaid was investigating what could have been a
criminal incident, albeit one that happened to him, he died during the course of
his job.
"He was approaching the truck in an investigative mode," Vinson said. "I think
it was Haynes' intent to rob him. The only reason he shot him was because he was
a cop, and he wanted to get out of there. Haynes is no angel. He put himself on
death row."
Under most circumstances, a death sentence for the murder of a police officer is
one of the easiest cases to win. But Kincaid's shooting was unusual. Jurors
found him guilty, then wrestled for three days with Haynes' nonviolent history
as they decided punishment.
"I'm not a vicious psychopath who goes around wanting to take people's lives,"
Haynes said in a recent interview in the death row visiting room in Livingston.
"There was no intent to kill a cop. He did not ID himself until a second before
I shot him."
Haynes' background normally would have suggested a life sentence. He was only 19
at the time. Compared with many murder defendants, he had not been in much
trouble during his youth. He had an assaultive history within his family that
included troubling statements to psychiatric workers, but there was little in
the way of criminal conduct.
The son of an arson investigator for the Houston Fire Department, Haynes had
recently graduated from Dulles High School, where he played football and was in
ROTC. He said he had planned to go to Prairie View A&M University before drugs
put him on the wrong path.
Whatever Haynes once had going for him was not enough to make prosecutors back
off. In that respect he has plenty of company among Harris County's death row
population. One need not be a cop-killer to provoke the aggressive instincts of
the DA's office. But God help you if you are.
Defense attorney Jim Leitner, a former prosecutor and a losing Republican
candidate for district attorney last year, experienced Holmes' de facto death
policy firsthand when he defended Man Truong, a 25-year-old Vietnamese man he
represented when Truong was tried for killing a Harris County sheriff's deputy
at a wedding reception in 1996.
Truong was drunk when he and his brothers got into an argument with another
wedding guest. Deputy Randy Eng, who was working security at the restaurant
where the reception was held, asked him to leave. Truong returned with a gun and
opened fire at Eng and his partner as they were walking out of the men's
restroom.
The DA's office wanted the death penalty. The jury opted for life.
"That was a political prosecution," Leitner said. "There was absolutely nothing
in his past -- not a spitting-on-the-sidewalk charge. He was not a guy who fit
the criteria for that statute."
There are many who argue that the death penalty should target only the most
heinous cases, the worst of an admittedly ugly universe of crimes. Holmes was
not one of them. Nor is his successor, longtime assistant Chuck Rosenthal.
The result is a collection of death cases one might not see elsewhere, some
troubling in their implications.
"In Houston, it has become so routine that it is not reserved for the worst of
the worst," said defense lawyer Randy Schaffer, an appellate specialist. "I am
convinced they could get death penalties for rape and drug cases, if it were
legal. The community will assess a death penalty fairly easily."
Schaffer is among the more cynical in his assessment of capital punishment
practices, especially in Harris County. He contends its frequent use is more
about politics than justice.
"It benefits the government by enabling those who participate to claim the moral
high ground in being tough on crime," Schaffer said. "If the death penalty is
eliminated or cut back, what are they going to pad their résumés with? If you
didn't have the death penalty, what is Chuck Rosenthal going to say in his ads?
`I put a lot of people in prison?' That doesn't have the same ring to it."
Former state District Judge Norman Lanford, who now lives in San Marcos, was
occasionally disheartened by what he saw during his seven years on the bench
here.
"It was just the atmosphere in Harris County that we have to get more death
penalties," said Lanford, a Republican. "In an awful lot of them, justice would
have been served just fine with them rotting away in prison."
Lanford angered Holmes' office with an adverse ruling in a murder case involving
an off-duty county jail guard and was subsequently defeated when one of Holmes'
prosecutors ran against him. By the time he left, he had presided over three
death cases. In none did he feel that the case demanded the death penalty,
though there was nothing by law he could do to nullify the jury's decision.
One case in particular, that of Anthony Ray Westley, bothered him so much that
he appointed a special master to review the case and produce a set of findings
for the appellate courts. That master, Brian Wice, was appalled by what he
found, not only concerning the quality of representation Westley received but
also by the behavior of the district attorney's office.
"That's one of those cases that makes it hard to sleep at night," Wice said.
There is no doubt Westley was guilty of capital murder. On the morning of April
13, 1984 -- Friday the 13th -- he and two accomplices, John Dale Henry and
Tyrone Dunbar, held up a bait shop in northeast Harris County near Lake Houston.
A gunfight broke out during the robbery, and shop owner Frank Hall was killed.
During the melee, Westley fired his gun. So did Henry and possibly Dunbar. Hall,
armed with a small revolver, apparently started the shooting. Dunbar was
mortally wounded. Henry and Westley took off but were caught within a day. Their
weapons were not recovered.
Henry was tried first. He faced only a charge of aggravated robbery. During his
trial, prosecutor Jan Krocker, now a district judge, argued that he had fired
the fatal shot, which came from a .22-caliber pistol. Westley, a witness
testified, had fired a .357, a pistol easily distinguishable because it was
louder and produced more flame out of the barrel.
"Henry was the triggerman," said Barry Abrams, a civil attorney who represented
Westley on appeal. "That was not essential for conviction, but it was an
aggravating factor."
Westley, who unlike Henry had been in prison before, was tried for capital
murder. To establish Westley as the killer, prosecutor John Kyles needed to
overcome the testimony of the main witness, bait shop employee Debra Young, who
had insisted that Westley had used a large-caliber handgun, a "cowboy-style"
revolver that did not sound anything like a .22.
Since the actual pistols were not available, Kyles' investigator had Young
identify the style of weapon Westley used from a photo array of six handguns,
all viewed from the side.
He then called a weapons expert who identified the revolver that Young had
picked out as a .22. Of course, the caliber of the weapon was not evident from
the side view. A .357 would look virtually the same in profile.
"Whether (Kyles) did this innocently or to juice up the evidence against
Westley, I don't know," Abrams said. "But the only way to establish him as the
shooter was this way."
At a later hearing, Kyles testified that he had decided Young did not know what
she was talking about regarding weapons, despite her history as a security
guard. Asked about the alternate theory of the crime presented by his colleague
Krocker in the earlier trial for Henry, in both argument and evidence, Kyles
said he did not concern himself with the other trial.
Kyles acknowledged that it was important to prove that Westley had fired the
fatal shot. In holdup cases, those who do not actually kill the victim seldom
get the death penalty, even though they are technically just as guilty under the
law. The jury convicted Westley and sentenced him to die.
"At the end of the day, I was convinced that a jury would not assess the
ultimate punishment if they had been apprised of all the available information,"
said the special master, Wice, whose findings did not hold sway with appeals
courts. "The difference in being the shooter is whether he gets life or death.
You don't have to be Ken Starr to say that was information the jury needed to
know. In that case, the system broke down."
Westley's attorney, Ron Mock, neither attended Henry's trial nor sent anyone to
monitor it, Wice said. He was unaware that the state had first pinned the murder
on a co-defendant. Westley never got a new trial and was executed in 1997.
Westley's case is not the only murder in which Harris County prosecutors argued
inconsistent theories in pursuit of a death sentence. Joseph Bennard Nichols was
sent to death row for a 1980 robbery that went haywire. He and co-defendant
Willie Ray Williams both fired their weapons, but the only bullet that struck
the victim was too badly damaged to determine which gun had fired the fatal
shot.
Rather than decide on one defendant as the killer, or simply tell jurors that
either bandit might have fired the fatal shot, local prosecutors decided that
each was the murderer, even though that was not possible.
In the trial of Williams, prosecutor Bob Burdette was unequivocal: "Willie
Williams is the individual who shot and killed Claude Schaffer. That is all
there is to it. It is scientific. It is complete. It is final, and it is in
evidence."
Williams was convicted and given the death penalty.
Later, when Nichols was tried, the truth had changed.
"Willie could not have shot him," another prosecutor, Ira Jones, contended.
"From this evidence, (Nichols) fired the fatal bullet and killed the man in cold
blood, and he should answer for that."
Again, it was important to show that each defendant had fired the fatal shot. At
least one death sentence and perhaps two likely depended on it.
U.S. District Judge David Hittner found this inconsistency repugnant and
overturned the Nichols conviction. He said the prosecutor in that case
essentially had used false evidence, since "the truth" had been established in
Williams' trial.
"The integrity of the judicial system commands that citizens can rest assured
that prosecutors are seeking truth and justice; and that when they find truth
and justice they cannot seek a different truth and a different justice from the
first," Hittner wrote in his opinion.
The U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals reversed Hittner, saying that the law does
not require consistency. Williams was executed in 1995. Nichols is still on
death row.
Jones is still convinced that Nichols in fact fired the fatal shot. If true, it
means that Williams' execution was based, at least in part, on a lie.
The cases of Westley, Williams and Nichols show aggressiveness taken to the
limit. There are some cases that arguably have gone past it.
Joseph Durrett was tried in connection with the 1995 murder of his estranged
wife, Martha, and her sister in Pasadena despite the fact that DNA evidence at
the scene did not match his. Durrett was first indicted shortly after the crime,
but the case was dismissed when the DNA results came back. The woman who
performed the DNA tests, Elizabeth Johnson, was later fired for ostensibly
unrelated reasons. Durrett was reindicted in December 1996.
"I asked them, `What is it that has changed,' " said Durrett's attorney,
Katherine Scardino. "They never said one single thing that occurred to make them
indict him again. It was hard for them to unbond to the idea that Joe did it."
Prosecutor Rosenthal took him to trial in spite of the DNA problems.
A private lab used by the state to double-check Johnson's results confirmed her
conclusions. Though Durrett had behaved suspiciously before the murders --
Martha Durrett's family claimed he had stalked her -- there was no compelling
evidence linking him to the crime scene. Defense lawyers presented both an
alternative theory for the crime and a previously unquestioned juvenile witness
who saw a different vehicle in front of the Pasadena home on the night of the
murder.
A jury deliberated five hours before acquitting him.
Scardino said she wonders how many people have been convicted on evidence not
much stronger than what was offered in Durrett's trial.
"I used to think the DA's office was as honest as I was, that if I brought them
the possibility that something was wrong with the evidence or that the guy may
not be guilty, they had a duty to do something about it," Scardino said. "I no
longer believe that. There are some
(prosecutors) who feel like they must win, and that generally presents a
problem."
At least Durrett was acquitted. Ricardo Aldape Guerra was awaiting
execution when the courts stepped in.
Aldape Guerra was accused of shooting Houston police Officer J.D. Harris
during a traffic stop in June 1982 in spite of a significant amount of
conflicting or exculpatory evidence. A possible reason for what was later
characterized as police and prosecutorial misconduct was that the apparent
shooter, Roberto Carrasco, was killed in an ensuing shootout. There was no one
left to punish except Aldape Guerra, who was the other occupant of the car.
Even though it was established that Carrasco wounded another officer in
the shootout with the same weapon that killed Harris, and even though Harris'
weapon was found on the dead Carrasco, a capital murder case was pursued against
Aldape Guerra. He was found guilty and sentenced to death.
In his 1995 order releasing Aldape Guerra from death row, U.S. District
Judge Kenneth Hoyt wrote that police officers and prosecutors had intimidated
witnesses in order to suppress information favorable to the defendant.
"Their misconduct was designed and calculated to obtain a conviction and
another `notch in their guns' despite the overwhelming evidence that Carrasco
was the killer and lack of evidence pointing to Guerra," Hoyt concluded.
Scott Atlas, a civil attorney who took on the inmate's appeal, said he was
dismayed by the lack of due process he saw in his one foray into the criminal
wing of the courthouse.
"I am not a criminal lawyer or an opponent of the death penalty," Atlas
said. "I had always assumed that if they were convicted and if the conviction
was affirmed, they were guilty. And if they were sentenced to die, they deserved
it."
Atlas points his finger not just at Holmes' office but at the level of
legal representation in Harris County.
"When people can afford quality counsel, there is a lower conviction rate
and a much lower rate of receiving the death penalty,"
Atlas said. "If you can afford your own lawyer, your chances go up
dramatically."
Top-shelf lawyers, however, simply will not work for the $25,000-$30,000
they would get in a court-appointed case.
With their overhead, they can't afford it. A client would have to come up
with at least $100,000 for their services, in some cases double that.
Whether you'd get your money's worth would depend to a degree on the
evidence. It should be noted that of the handful of capital murder acquittals in
the last decade, all save one belong to high-dollar, privately retained lawyers.
Appellate lawyer Schaffer goes a step further. He claims that having a
good lawyer can help dissuade prosecutors from going for death in some cases, or
at least it could in past years.
"If you saw a good lawyer on the case, they would not seek the death
penalty as often," he said. "On the four that I was appointed to, the
prosecutors decided not to seek the death penalty in each one. They knew that I
was going to go after it pillar to post."
Holmes denied that defense counsel, whether obtained or appointed, ever
figured into a death decision.
Though it is no consolation to those on death row in cases from the 1980s,
almost everyone connected to the criminal
justice system in Harris County says the quality of defense counsel is better
now. At the very least, Ron Mock, attorney for Gary Graham, Westley and some
other unfortunates, does not do capital cases anymore. Joe Cannon, who slept his
way through at least one death case, is now deceased.
"It was obvious to me in the early '80s that judges were appointing people
who didn't have the training to do the job," said former state District Judge
Jay Burnett, who led the effort to establish standards for attorneys in capital
cases. "We needed to do something. We were being lambasted in the press. We
appeared to be buffoons."
Leitner, a prosecutor from 1975 to 1984, said the appointment of less
sophisticated lawyers in capital cases was neither isolated nor accidental.
"It was done for speed, and speed was all that mattered,"Leitner said.
To be appointed to a death case today, an attorney must complete a certification
course that requires both experience and knowledge of the current law. Judges
also are far more attentive to the quality of representation than they once
were, many lawyers say.
"I think we have some pretty good qualifications," said defense attorney
Robert Morrow, who does mostly capital work. "There's some real meat to
it."
Though it may be coincidental, it is worth noting that the DA's success
rate in death cases has been dropping in recent years. From 1996 through 2000,
local prosecutors obtained death sentences in 52 of 78 cases in which they
pursued them, a rate of only 68 percent.
Morrow said only continued defense success, not argument or criticism, can
possibly change the attitude of the DA's office.
"The way to cut down on the number of death penalty cases is to get more
life sentences," he said. "We just need to win more cases."
Curiously, Holmes appeared to be unaware of how his prosecutors were
faring.
"We haven't had that many," he said when asked about cases where life
sentences were returned when death was sought. "If the total numbers were about
60 percent, or even 70 percent, we'd need to re-evaluate what we are doing in
those cases. If you believe we should seek the death penalty (in these cases),
we should be getting it."
It may not be possible, however, to maintain an aggressive posture and a
high success rate. Aggressiveness, by its nature, means seeking death for
killings that are not slam-dunk death cases.
Consider the case of Michael McCann, tried for the 1998 death of his
estranged wife, Tina. By any measure, it was an ugly killing. McCann, who had a
history of abusing his wife, confronted her at her apartment and shot her in the
back. When she fled into a neighbor's apartment, he barged in, tossed the
neighbor out, then engaged in a lengthy standoff with police as his wife lay
dying on the floor.
Prosecutors later said that if McCann had killed a stranger this way, he
almost surely would have gotten a death sentence. But the crime was clearly a
domestic one and barely fit the criteria for capital murder. In calling for
death, the state had to prove that McCann was a continuing threat in general.
The jury debated only two hours before rejecting that call and giving him life.
"They (prosecutors) thought -- wrongly so -- that they could convince a
jury that no matter where he was that he would be a continuing menace," said
McCann's appointed attorney, Brian Coyne. "He's probably the least violent of
all the cases I've defended. I've had more violent cases that were not
prosecuted as capital murder."
In some jurisdictions, failure to get a death sentence when seeking it
would be held against the prosecutor. Holmes said he did not, with respect
either to promotions or raises.
"We don't operate that way," he said. "I guess that's because I came up
through the ranks. I look more at their willingness to try a hard case."
Specifically rejecting any suggestion that he pick and choose just the "worst"
murders to reserve for the death penalty, Holmes argued for broad discretion and
no authority to answer to other than the voters.
His successor, Rosenthal, said he does not anticipate any significant
changes with respect to how the office pursues capital cases or death sentences.
"You basically do what the evidence dictates," Rosenthal said.
"My position is that we will go for a death sentence if the evidence on
punishment is compelling enough so that there's a better than average chance of
a jury determining the death penalty is appropriate.
"You make that decision based on experience, and that's why we've got a
leg up on other jurisdictions. We've done a lot of cases."
That assures plenty of capital punishment as well as some unpredictability
about who will get it. In the summer of 1999, Lee Roy McCray had all the
appearances of a young man ticketed for death row. He had gunned down
18-year-old Brandy Smith in the parking lot of Sharpstown Mall during a botched
carjacking, a category of crime so despised that the federal government passed
its own law against it.
The shooting was big news. Television newscasts opened with reports on
McCray's arrest. A newspaper columnist described Smith's life at length and
compared it with that of McCray, whom he called a maggot.
Smith's mother said at the time that McCray should get the death penalty
and his accomplices life terms in prison. Yet on the eve of the trial,
prosecutor Kaylynn Williford accepted a guilty plea and the life sentence that
came with it.
"The victim's family felt they wanted closure, and they were willing to
accept a plea," said Williford, who conferred with superiors before accepting
the deal. "And we had a defendant who did not have a violent history."
Of course, the same might be said of Narit "Archie" Bunchien, a young Thai
immigrant for whom the death penalty was sought after he shot four people to
death in a car outside his home.
Bunchien, then 20, had been awakened in the middle of the night by his mother,
who nervously told him there was a man at the door.
It turned out to be Nick Nguyen, with whom Bunchien had had words earlier
in the evening at a karaoke bar.
After Nguyen pushed his way inside, Bunchien agreed to step outside with
him to discuss the matter. He said he placed the family's .40-caliber pistol in
his pocket for protection.
Nguyen immediately struck him in the side of the head. Bunchien said he
saw others start to get out of the car. He said he thought he heard Nguyen tell
one of his friends to get a gun.
Fearing he was going to be killed, he pulled his gun, shot Nguyen, then
ran toward the car, in which the others were now trying to get away. He shot
everyone inside the car, explaining later that he thought they were a gang who
had come to harm him and his family.
The DA's office made a reasonable argument that Bunchien's first duty,
according to law, was to retreat. It appeared that he could have gone back
inside the house and waited for police. But the death penalty seemed a stretch,
given that he had been rousted from his bed in the middle of the night and had
never been in trouble in his life.
Why was death more appropriate for Bunchien than for a carjacker who had
killed for no reason? The question is no easier to answer than why a carjacker
who shot a teen-age girl got a break instead of Anthony Haynes, a teen-ager with
no violent history who had actually tried to run away before shooting his
victim.
After the jury's not-guilty verdict, Bunchien's attorney, Dick DeGuerin,
took a swipe at Holmes.
"Johnny's policy of prosecuting every case possible as capital murder is
flawed," DeGuerin said.
He said Holmes had abdicated his authority by passing on to the jury a
case that never should have been pursued as capital murder.
But in fairness, the decision to go for death was not Holmes' alone.
Several others had made the same call. If it were an error of judgment, it was
an institutional one.
Trying to figure out how the thinking goes when the death penalty is at
stake is sometimes puzzling. Schaffer, ever cynical, said there is no point in
giving it great thought.
"You're looking for rationality and logic and fairness in a system that
does not provide that," he said. "Like people have said before, it's a lottery,
much like the randomness of being the victim of a crime."
A lottery of losers, 211 and counting.
Between life and death, HC, Feb. 5, 2001, 7:40PM,
http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/printstory.mpl/special/penalty/814496
DA can afford to prosecute
with a vengeance
Harris County focuses on capital murder,
and has what it takes to make the case
Feb. 3, 2001, 8:16PM
The Houston Chronicle
By STEVE BREWER
THERE WERE times when Tom Bridges, district attorney in San Patricio and Aransas
counties, looked at his $292,000 budget and thought he wouldn't mind trading
places with a big-city prosecutor like Johnny Holmes.
The county commissioners he answered to would eye Bridges warily whenever he
tried a costly death penalty case in one of the two rural counties north of
Corpus Christi where he had jurisdiction.
"I'd have a lot of explaining to do," said Bridges, who retired in December
after 23 years and "half a dozen" death penalty cases. "What would happen is
that I'd do my thing -- try the case -- and the next budget year the
commissioners would be looking at me like, `You going to do that again?' "
That was never a problem for Holmes, the recently retired Harris County district
attorney who established himself during a 21-year career as a singularly
effective figure in moving capital murder defendants from the courtroom to death
row.
A generous, even deferential Commissioners Court played a huge role in giving
him that distinction.
Under Holmes, the DA's budget swelled by more than 260 percent, to about $30
million by the time he retired at the end of December. The number of prosecutors
almost doubled, as lawmakers created more district courts to accommodate growing
caseloads. The number of investigators and other support staff also increased,
while more lawyers were assigned to handle the growing number of complex capital
appeals.
That long-term expansion, along with the growth of local law enforcement
agencies, made capital murder litigation cheaper for taxpayers in Harris County
than elsewhere in Texas. It may have helped make it more prevalent here as well.
The budgets virtually took cost out of the decision-making process, unlike in
smaller counties, where commissioners have been known to second-guess
prosecutors, raise property taxes or suggest passing bond issues to pay for
death penalty trials.
Holmes, whose office sent more than 200 people to await execution, never faced
that. His fiscal discipline and popularity with voters earned him considerable
credibility with the five members of the Harris County Commissioners Court. They
never questioned his pursuit of so many death penalty cases. Local commissioners
say that, whatever the cost, such calls are best left to the elected prosecutor,
be it Holmes or his successor, Chuck Rosenthal.
"I think here the Commissioners Court has gotten involved from the standpoint
that we have relied on Mr. Holmes' judgment when it comes to seeking the death
penalty," said Commissioner Steve Radack. "I don't think it's up to
commissioners to decide how much they spend on any type of case.
"Mr. Holmes was answerable to the voters for that, and if you look at it you'll
see not only do an overwhelming majority of people support the death penalty but
they supported him. He was the most popular local official ever elected here."
Such attitudes, common on the Commissioners Court, and the resources made
available locally make even prosecutors in other large Texas counties envious --
or at least provide them with an excuse when they're asked why they don't pursue
as many death sentences.
. . . . .
THE COST, for taxpayers, of capital murder begins with legal representation for
the defendant. More often than not, when someone is charged with capital murder,
he is too poor to pay for his own attorneys and the trial judge must appoint
them for him. And the lawyers who get these appointments earn considerably more
than those in cases in which life and death are not at stake.
Someone facing a possible death penalty has two court-appointed lawyers at his
side. Though the exact amounts vary from court to court, the lead attorney
typically earns about $25,000 and the co-counsel $15,000.
Compare that with, say, even the most complicated robbery case. An indigent
defendant typically is appointed just one lawyer, who is paid a smaller fee or
an amount based on a daily rate. That holds true even if the case winds up
involving more work than a capital case would.
In other respects, however, prosecutors and many defense lawyers agree that
trying a death penalty case in Harris County can be no more expensive than
trying a complex aggravated robbery case. The only difference in preparation
sometimes is the amount of time and effort that goes into jury selection and the
more involved punishment phase of a capital trial.
It is difficult to put an exact price tag on different types of cases because
they vary in such things as the circumstances of the case, the amount and type
of evidence involved and the need for experts and other witnesses who would
incur travel expenses.
But from the prosecution standpoint, several factors keep the overall cost of
capital litigation down here.
·Harris County prosecutors, like those in other large jurisdictions, have vast
resources at their disposal that are not included in the budget of the district
attorney's office.
For example, prosecutors here have access to a crime lab run by the Houston
Police Department, which can handle everything from fingerprints and DNA testing
to audiotape and crime scene photo analysis. There is an independent medical
examiner's office that performs autopsies and has its own budget. And, like
smaller agencies, Harris County has access to the state crime lab.
Smaller district attorney's offices do not have the same resources because the
smaller law enforcement agencies they work with do not have modern
crime-fighting tools handy. Many times, they either rely solely on the Texas
Department of Public Safety or send work to private labs, which can be costly.
Counties without their own medical examiners must contract for autopsies, which
can be slow and expensive.
·These small counties are at a further disadvantage because a high-profile
murder would dominate local headlines for a longer period of time, increasing
the likelihood that a judge would move the trial to another location. That could
put a sizable dent in a small county's budget.
Because of the larger population base here, changes of venue are rare. But in
the unlikely event that a trial is moved out of Harris County because of
pretrial publicity, the costs would be absorbed easily.
·In some smaller counties, judges are on a circuit, responsible for hearing
cases in more than one county. When one judge stops to take on a capital case,
another has to pick up the slack or a visiting judge has to be paid.
In counties that have their own judges, backlogs are inevitable, and clogged
dockets can lead to higher manpower costs down the line.
But in Harris County, with its 22 felony criminal courts, capacity is not an
issue. Judges and their staffs are in court every day, whether they are trying a
drunken driver or seating a jury in a capital case. Their budgets also are
separate because they are set by state lawmakers, not local commissioners.
·Size helps in other ways. Take, for example, the trial last year of serial
killer Angel Maturino Resendiz. Despite a confession and abundant physical
evidence tying him to the murder of a West University Place doctor, the trial
dealt with complex psychological issues and involved witnesses from around the
country. It took two weeks to pick a jury and two more weeks to complete the
trial and get a death sentence.
A smaller county would have run into problems staging such a production, even
though the state reimburses counties for many of the expenses incurred while
bringing witnesses in or sending a trial elsewhere on a change of venue. Work on
other cases would have slowed at a smaller courthouse while such a lengthy,
complicated case was being played out.
Here, that's not a problem. Such cases are absorbed fairly easily because the
system is set up for big cases.
·About 90 percent of the district attorney's budget in Harris County goes toward
salaries, and the number of prosecutors rose drastically during the Holmes era.
Rosenthal inherited a staff of 230 lawyers, compared with 120 when Holmes took
office in 1979.
Much of that increase was due to shifting resources to other crimes, such as
drugs, domestic violence and child sexual abuse. But prosecutors in other
counties, big and small, have often said that if they had the staff that Harris
County has they would try more death penalty cases.
In Bridges' case, and others like his, that argument seems to make sense. His
office included three assistant district attorneys and one investigator. When he
tried a death penalty case, it took two prosecutors out of rotation and tied up
his investigator. That caused a backlog in his office, which delayed cases and
stalled the local courts.
Harris County prosecutors counter that they would still need their current staff
even if they didn't try so many death penalty cases. They say that is part of
being in a large county that handles 25,000 felonies per year. In fact, only
chief prosecutors in individual district courts and their bosses are allowed to
try death penalty cases here. That means only 26 to 30 prosecutors handle the 10
to 15 death cases that go to trial here each year.
But each prosecution team in a court has an investigator assigned to it. That
helps with case and witness preparation and gives Harris County an edge over
other counties in pursuing capital trials.
At the end of the process, the local district attorney's office maintains a
large appellate division, which handles the mandatory capital appeals as they
wind through the higher courts.
Death penalty supporters argue that is a necessary expense.
Opponents counter that such a division would not be needed at its current
strength if Harris County did not seek so many death penalties.
. . . . .
FOR SURE, Harris County has ample resources. Prosecutors concede that
commissioners have been generous with them through good and bad economic times.
But Holmes also received national recognition for another aspect of how he ran
his office. A 1993 National District Attorney Association study found that his
office sent more people to prison for longer periods of time with fewer
prosecutors per capita than the remainder of the 20 largest jurisdictions in the
nation, including New York, Los Angeles and Dallas.
The study also showed that while Harris County's population was higher than 17
of the jurisdictions surveyed, its prosecutors carried heavier caseloads and
handled more violent offenders.
Such numbers allowed Holmes to make a convincing argument that taxpayers, while
paying a hefty tab for criminal justice, were getting their money's worth.
Commissioners seemed to agree. They pretty much stayed out of Holmes' business
while, at the same time, showing no hesitation to question management practices
in other county departments, including the Harris County Hospital District and
Medical Examiner's Office.
In the end, commissioners and county budget officers agreed on one thing: Holmes
was a good administrator who kept a tight rein on spending.
"He was a helluva businessperson," Radack said. "He ran that outfit like a
business and in a businesslike manner. He was careful with the people's money."
Beginning in 1980, Holmes' office came in under budget in all but eight years.
Most recently, 2000 budget numbers show that Holmes' office was $2.5 million
under budget, and that was the year the Maturino Resendiz case was tried.
The figures show that when Holmes' office did go over budget, it typically was
by only a couple of hundred thousand dollars, not big numbers for a big county.
All that was done in the midst of the heavy prosecution of death penalty cases.
Judges, prosecutors and defense lawyers attribute that to one factor:
experience.
"Quite honestly, we just do so damn many more of them than anyone else," said
veteran prosecutor Ted Wilson. "You could go into any district attorney's office
in this state and not find as many lawyers with capital prosecution experience.
That keeps costs down."
Judges agree.
"One of the reasons Harris County tries so many capital murder cases is simple
economics -- we can afford to," said state District Judge Michael McSpadden.
But will the resource picture change with Holmes' departure? With his
controversial stewardship and influence now part of history, will Rosenthal
enjoy the same cordial relationship with the Commissioners Court?
For now, members of the court say he will.
"He'll have a better time than an outsider coming in," predicted Commissioner El
Franco Lee, referring to Rosenthal's status as a longtime assistant under
Holmes.
"Chuck's not an unknown commodity, though he is an unknown political figure. He
comes out of that shop, and he knows how to operate it. He knows how it
functions."
County Judge Robert Eckels agreed.
"Chuck will be easy to work with. We've already had a number of discussions
about ideas that he has," Eckels said. "I don't see any major changes at all in
the relationship. Johnny came in with his own agenda, and Chuck will have his
vision."
Rosenthal has vowed, in large part, to keep Holmes' practices and policies
intact, including the aggressive pursuit of death penalty cases.
"I think I'll enjoy the same kind of relationship that Johnny has," Rosenthal
said. "I've talked to all five of those guys and I'm convinced we can work
together.
"I would hope to not ask Commissioners Court for any more than we need, but
certainly I think the citizens of Harris County also expect to not have their
tax money spent frivolously."
But that relationship will be tested early.
As the county tightens its belt in coming years to pay for big capital
improvement projects and a hefty chunk of running the financially troubled
hospital district, Rosenthal is expected to ask for perhaps a 30 percent
increase in funding that could take his annual budget as high as $41 million. He
said the increase would not be for more death penalty cases, but to beef up the
prosecution of consumer fraud, child abuse and child support evasion.
There also will be some management streamlining in the office, Rosenthal said,
and more emphasis on training prosecutors to use technology in the courtroom.
Whatever it is used for, a budget increase would mean more money in the pot for
the Harris County District Attorney's Office. And that is something such
small-town prosecutors as Tom Bridges can only dream about.
DA can afford to prosecute with a vengeance, HC, Feb. 3, 2001, 8:16PM,
http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/ssistory.mpl/special/penalty/813700
Bloodthirsty image at odds with local poll
Feb. 3, 2001, 10:29PM
The Houston Chronicle
By ALLAN TURNER
If death penalty opponents' portrayal of Texas as a legal slaughterhouse
is accurate, Harris County must be the state's most bloodthirsty realm.
A new Houston Chronicle poll, though, sharply contradicts the county's image as
a bastion of hard-edged, fight-crime-at-all-costs sentiment. On many key issues,
local poll participants proved less supportive than their fellow Texans.
Sixty-seven percent thought it was somewhat or very likely that an innocent
person has been executed in this country since the punishment was resumed; 59
percent found it at least somewhat likely such a mistake had been made in Texas.
Almost half of all Harris County respondents expressed concern that capital
punishment was not applied fairly to all ethnic or racial groups.
Sixty-seven percent supported giving juries the option to sentence capital
murderers to life without parole, a measure that soon will be put before the
Texas Legislature.
Perhaps most noteworthy, Harris County respondents -- still solidly in favor of
the death penalty -- topped their counterparts elsewhere in Texas and the nation
with their opposition to the lethal sentence. Thirty-one percent reported they
oppose the death penalty.
Richard Murray, who directed the poll at the University of Houston's Center for
Public Policy, said the findings are in keeping with those of earlier surveys
that found a gradual waning of support for capital punishment.
Nationally, Murray's pollsters found that only 58 percent of non-Texans favored
the death penalty; 28 percent opposed it, with the remainder unsure. In Texas --
minus Harris County -- 69 percent favored executions; 22 percent opposed them.
Though Harris County respondents still strongly supported capital punishment (62
percent), their sentiment was closer to the national response than to that of
other Texans.
Murray said the poll reflected a deep ambivalence many people feel toward
capital punishment. While they may favor the severe sentence in theory, some
have worrisome second thoughts when it comes time to apply it.
"Opinions don't have to balance like a checkbook," he said. "It doesn't all have
to add up."
One Harris County participant, identified by pollsters only as Paul, illustrated
the point.
A young, politically moderate African-American with some college education, Paul
said in a follow-up interview that he supports capital punishment in "rare cases
based on the degree of the crime."
In "traditional murder cases," in which the victim is a child or is raped or
robbed, he said, he believes the death penalty is warranted. But when the victim
is a police officer or the perpetrator a "drug kingpin," he opposes it.
In murder for hire, he thinks the killer should be eligible for death; the
person who hires him, life in prison.
Still, Paul, who worked five years as a legal assistant, also had powerful
misgivings about the death penalty's fairness. He expressed certainty that
innocent people have been executed. And while allowing that minorities may
commit more crime, he insisted the death penalty is disproportionately applied
to African-Americans and Hispanics.
Karen, a college-educated Anglo from the Beaumont area who is similar to Paul in
age and political philosophy, sounded a similar theme.
"I've always been in favor of capital punishment," she said. "But now with
recent DNA evidence and things I've seen in the news, I'm having second
thoughts. The death penalty should still be in force. I'm just not positive it
should be used in all cases."
Pollster Murray said the most significant factor in tempering Harris County
opinion on the death penalty is the growth of African-American and Hispanic
populations, groups that traditionally have been less supportive of executing
killers.
"Texas as a whole is 12 percent black," said Murray, a UH political science
professor. "That's 20 percent in Harris County. African-Americans are a lot less
supportive of the death penalty and they tend to think it's applied unfairly,
particularly to persons of color.
"Anglos are the most supportive, but they're down to about 46 percent (of the
population) in Harris County. Hispanics' view of capital punishment falls
somewhere in between."
In Harris County, questioners found 71 percent of whites supported the death
penalty; 23.5 percent opposed it. Hispanics favored it 55 percent to 33 percent.
But African-Americans opposed capital punishment overwhelmingly. Only 33 percent
expressed support; 58 percent opposed it.
Among Asian-Americans, 57 percent supported the death penalty; 36 percent
opposed.
Elsewhere in Texas, three-fourths of whites supported capital punishment as did
86 percent of Asian-Americans and 62 percent of Hispanics. Only 32 percent of
African-Americans favored executions; 59.5 percent opposing.
Nationally, 62 percent of non-Texan whites supported the death penalty, as did
half of Hispanic and one-third of Asian-American respondents. Only 24 percent of
African-Americans favored executions, with 56 percent in opposition.
Minorities in the same geographic group -- the United States except Texas --
overwhelmingly doubted that the death penalty was "fairly and equitably applied
to persons of different races or ethnic groups."
Eighty percent of African-Americans said capital punishment was applied
unfairly, as did 66 percent of Hispanics and 60 percent of Asian-Americans.
Among whites, 46.5 percent agreed the sentence was applied unfairly, but they
outnumbered the 39.5 percent who thought it was applied fairly.
"If we go back about 50 years," said Sammy, a moderate black Democrat from the
Atlanta area, "more people of color were put to death than whites. I think the
criminal justice system is still the same today. ... If you look at those
sentenced to death between the ages 18 and 30, most of them are black men."
Across the board, Texans expressed worries that innocent people have been
executed and favored raising the threshold of proof required for capital
convictions, utilizing sophisticated DNA tests and providing juries with
alternatives to capital punishment.
Selma, a conservative Hispanic and death penalty opponent from the San Antonio
area, said she is convinced at least some of the 242 people Texas has put to
death since 1982 were innocent.
"Only God can make that judgment with certainty," she said. "I just don't think
it's right for people to judge. Yes, I think people have been executed by
mistake."
In Harris County, 67 percent said it was at least somewhat likely an innocent
person had been executed in the United States since the Supreme Court in 1976
allowed the death penalty to resume. Fifty-nine percent said an innocent person
probably had been executed in Texas.
Fifty-eight percent of Harris County respondents favored raising the level of
proof needed for capital convictions, 75.5 percent favored the use of such
scientific evidence as DNA testing, and 67 percent favored providing juries with
the alternative sentence of life without parole in capital cases. Texas Gov.
Rick Perry has asked legislators to give life without parole strong
consideration in the current session. Elsewhere in Texas, 63 percent of poll
participants said it was at least somewhat likely an innocent person had been
executed in the United States; 55 percent thought a mistaken execution had
occurred in Texas.
Fifty-nine percent would require a higher level of proof, 76 percent favored
scientific evidence and 64 percent favored life without parole as an option.
Nationally, the question of mistakenly executing the innocent brought dramatic
responses.
"Some people get put to death for things they haven't done," said Ninny, a
moderate black Democrat from Mississippi. "And if you're dead, there's no way
for you to come back after they discover the mistake."
Jim, a conservative Republican from Michigan, responded: "The ones I remember
were all legitimate executions." The problem, the middle-aged Anglo said, isn't
that innocent people are being executed but that killers are escaping sufficient
punishment.
"I hate to use a pun," he said, "but people are getting away with murder."
The Chronicle poll found that nationally, excepting Texas, 64 percent found it
at least somewhat likely an innocent person had been executed. But among
respondents living in states with capital punishment -- Texas, again excepted --
only 25 percent thought such a death had occurred in their state.
Pollsters also examined attitudes toward the appropriateness of capital
punishment for specific crimes and offenders, and potential factors a governor
might consider for commutation of death sentences.
Ninety-five percent of pro-death penalty Texans everywhere favored execution in
rape-murder cases. Ninety-seven percent favored death for killers of children.
In Harris County, 88 percent favored death for robber-murderers; elsewhere in
Texas, 87 percent favored the penalty.
Even capital punishment supporters had reservations about executing those who
were juveniles when they killed or were mentally impaired.
In Harris County, only 25 percent advocated executing those who were minors when
they killed; elsewhere in Texas, 34 percent supported execution in those cases.
For mentally impaired killers, only 19.5 percent in Harris County and 19 percent
elsewhere in the state favored execution.
Texans everywhere overwhelmingly said questions of possible innocence and the
fairness of a killer's trial were good grounds for the governor to commute a
death sentence. But an inmate's contrition or religious conversion left most
unmoved.
In Harris County, 91.5 percent thought credible evidence of innocence was a good
reason for commutation; elsewhere in Texas, 88 percent agreed with that
position.
To 84.5 percent of Harris County respondents, evidence a killer did not receive
a fair trial was a good reason for commutation. Statewide, 83 percent concurred.
Yet only 19 percent of Harris County respondents thought an inmate's remorse and
acceptance of responsibility for a killing was a good reason for commutation;
elsewhere in Texas, the total was 22 percent.
Texans were even less moved by a killer's profession of "change in character" or
religious conversion. In Harris County, 17 percent thought such a life change
warranted a reduced sentence of life in prison. Elsewhere, 19 percent agreed.
The Chronicle poll consisted of random telephone surveys made between Nov. 29
and Dec. 21. The margin of error varies between 3.5 and 5 percentage points.
Bloodthirsty image at odds with local poll, HC, Feb. 3, 2001, 10:29PM,
http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/printstory.mpl/special/penalty/813659
A Deadly Distinction
Harris County is a pipeline to death row.
A four-part series examines
why,
and explores whether justice is served.
Feb. 5, 2001, 6:54PM
The Houston Chronicle
By MIKE TOLSON
DANIEL PLATA'S television debut at 19 was as memorable as it was brief. He
played the role of stickup artist to the hilt -- in equal parts profane,
threatening and brutal.
The surveillance camera in the corner recorded his every move and every shouted
instruction. And when Plata and his confederates left the convenience store that
day in May 1995, it captured the moans of the dying clerk who had complied in
vain with all that the robbers had asked.
When next seen on television a few months later, Plata had a different role:
capital murder defendant. This time he sat despondently, saying little as his
attorney tried to save his life. It was a losing battle all the way.
"The videotape overcame any remorse he showed," said defense attorney Ricardo
Rodriguez. "They played it over and over again. The more they showed it, the
more the jury would flinch."
The images were remarkable. The crime was not. Had prosecutors not had the
fortune of what broadcasters call good TV, Plata might have disappeared into the
abyss of the Texas prison system, just like Edmundo Alvarez, who in April 1999
shot and killed a clerk during the robbery of a convenience store on East
Crosstimbers. Both defendants were young, both had kept bad company and both
claimed to have been under the influence at the time.
But prosecutors did not seek a death sentence for Alvarez.
E. Joseph Deering / Chronicle
A prison guard holds the keys to the Walls Unit, home of the death chamber,
where 242 inmates have been executed since 1982.
In Harris County, the difference between life and death often has little to do
with the moral weight of the crime. It has everything to do with how easy a
death sentence is to secure. For the last 20 years, local prosecutors have
operated under a simple principle. If the facts of the case add up to capital
murder and there is a good chance that a jury will return the death penalty,
they go for it.
The result is a place, legally speaking, like none other in the country.
To kill within the arbitrarily drawn boundaries that define Harris County is to
risk entering the most productive death row pipeline in the Western world. A
handful of U.S. cities can boast similar enthusiasm for capital punishment, but
none the same bottom line: 61 executed inmates, 150 more waiting their turn. And
their time will come. This is Texas, another accident of geography, and that
means that punishment handed down is punishment carried out.
Harris County's fatal attraction has been so pronounced for so long that if it
were a state it would rank third behind Texas and Virginia in total executions
since 1977, when they resumed after a decade of litigation. Soon the county will
move into second, so large is its death row population. In fact, its list of
offenders on death row is larger than the death row populations of 31 of the 38
states that have the death penalty.
Within Texas, comparisons are similarly lopsided. Even if you combine Dallas and
Tarrant counties to form a population base comparable to Harris County's, their
roster of death row offenders would not come close to Harris County's total.
You could throw in Bexar County and still be short. Add all the condemned
inmates from the counties containing Austin, El Paso, Corpus Christi, Beaumont,
Tyler and Lubbock, and you would almost reach it. But not quite.
Criminologists talk about meaner places with tougher DAs. They turn to
per-capita or per-homicide rates of execution, and end up calling Delaware the
deadliest state in the union. But the fact remains that Harris County -- one
jurisdiction among thousands in death penalty states -- has accounted for close
to 10 percent of the 693 executions in the United States since 1977.
"If there are rules, they ought to be enforced," said John B. Holmes Jr., who
just retired as district attorney after two decades of turning that notion into
a department mantra. "If the death penalty substantively fits a given crime and
I have enough stuff so that a jury will give it, tell me why I shouldn't
prosecute it. It promotes disrespect for the law if you don't enforce it."
Most district attorneys would agree, at least in principle. But as a practical
matter there are levels of enforcement, some so profoundly different that
questions of equal protection under the law are inevitably raised. Holmes'
posture underscored again and again one of the cruelest anomalies of the modern
system of capital punishment: Geography means everything.
"For those who look at it from the outside, Harris County is a particularly
strong example of how they see all of Texas -- a place where the prosecutors
seek death whenever they can," said Richard Dieter, director of the Death
Penalty Information Center, a nonpartisan organization that is often critical of
the way the death penalty is administered.
"Those who look at it in depth see an extreme example, a place where they seek
it more frequently than other places in Texas largely as the result of who is in
charge."
. . . . .
IN NUDGING HIS hometown to the vanguard of capital prosecution, Holmes happily
joined those few district attorneys around the country who see the death penalty
not as an occasionally necessary tool but as an instrument of almost divine
retribution, something manifestly correct.
He had so few qualms about sending scores of men to death row that he could joke
about their induction into the "silver needle society."
The man who replaced him, Chuck Rosenthal, promises no change in philosophy. In
fact, the longtime assistant district attorney boasted in last year's campaign
ads of having put 14 murderers on death row "where they belong."
Harris County will remain the capital of capital punishment.
The title is not fanciful. Pushing the envelope of prosecutorial discretion -- a
fair description for pursuing 10 to 15 death cases a year -- comes with serious
costs.
First is the literal expense of so many death trials. They can tie up courts for
weeks and involve significant expenditures for defense lawyers and expert
witnesses. A trial costing $50,000 is a given. Some can run to more than
$100,000, and that does not cover lawyers and expert witnesses. A trial costing
$50,000 is a given. Some can run to more than $100,000, and that does not cover
expenses to the prosecution, including money for experts, or a visiting judge to
handle the court's regular docket. Also to be factored in is the DA's appellate
division, where four attorneys work almost full time on capital cases and 15
others occasionally write briefs.
Then there is the strain that so many cases puts on the defense bar. Because
there is no public defender's office in Harris County, most representation falls
to a relative handful of appointed lawyers. There are only so many good ones to
go around.
E. Joseph Deering / Chronicle
White crosses stand at attention in Capt. Joe Byrd Cemetery in Huntsville, where
Texas inmates are buried. The cemetery is run by the Texas Department of
Criminal Justice.
For state and federal appeals, the pool of good lawyers may be even smaller.
Critics of capital punishment practices here say it is no coincidence that the
cases so often cited as examples of prosecution run amok usually start with bad
defense lawyering.
And for what it is worth, being notorious for fatal prosecutions can be seen as
a PR obstacle for the city. While death sentences have declined elsewhere,
Houston revs along. Death penalty abolitionists already have targeted the city's
nascent 2012 Olympics bid, hoping to convince international Olympic committees
that a place so committed to killing should be disqualified from consideration.
Most important, an aggressive mentality toward capital cases increases the odds
of potential injustice. It means that borderline cases that would be negotiated
to a simple murder charge or tried as nondeath cases elsewhere sometimes are
pursued with vigor here. These cases may have questionable witnesses, thin or
cloudy evidence, dubious police conduct or a defendant with a limited history of
violence -- any one of a dozen potential shortcomings.
Harris County's willingness to seek death in such cases might explain why its
success rate is lower than that of Dallas County, the state's second-largest
jurisdiction. Over the last two decades, local prosecutors have succeeded in
obtaining a death sentence in just under 75 percent of their attempts. Dallas,
which goes for death less frequently, gets it 94 percent of the time.
Aggressive prosecution accounts for embarrassments such as Ricardo Aldape
Guerra, ordered released from death row by an angry federal judge because of
prosecutorial misconduct, and Archie Bunchien, who was acquitted by a jury when
Rosenthal insisted on pursuing the death penalty in spite of credible
self-defense claims.
It accounts for Demetrius Lott Simms, a mentally retarded man tried a record
four times by Rosenthal before finally being sentenced to death in connection
with the murder of a 4-year-old girl. Simms faced nine full-blown trials or
hearings, including competency determinations, said attorney Mike Stone, who
doubts that any other jurisdiction in the country would have gone to that length
to get a death penalty.
For better or worse, it also accounted for Gary Graham, whose controversial case
capped Holmes' career. The state provided no incriminating physical evidence at
Graham's trial. Only one witness placed him at the scene of the murder of Bobby
Lambert. She was a good witness, but she stood alone.
In light of longstanding arguments about the accuracy of witness identification
of strangers, as well as the witnesses whose initial descriptions of the killer
did not mesh with hers, some prosecutors might have backed off and sought a plea
bargain. But in Harris County, backing off is not part of the culture.
With such a notorious defendant as Graham, whose spree of thuggery was well
established, the decision to go after him was easy to defend in spite of the
meager evidence. But less compelling defendants have been pursued with the same
doggedness.
Last November, for example, Jose De Luna was tried for capital murder based
solely on the identification of one witness to a shooting outside a bar. Picked
out of a photo lineup by a taxi dancer a week after the killing, De Luna
essentially was put in the position of having to prove his innocence.
His bad fortune turned better when his extended family scraped together enough
money to hire a good attorney, Stanley Schneider, who had no trouble picking
apart the state's case. The jury returned a not-guilty verdict in less than two
hours. Though the death penalty was not sought in this case because of the
defendant's lack of criminal history, Schneider still was disturbed by the
prosecution.
"This is the problem that comes with saying that if it fits the criteria, you're
going to try it as capital murder, that it's all black and white," Schneider
said. "Where the gray enters into it is with Jose De Luna, an 18-year-old with
no record who gets caught up in this."
Prosecutor Kari Allen was unapologetic. Though increasing numbers of people are
being released from prison on belated DNA evidence after faulty eyewitness
testimony put them there, Allen was not fazed by the lack of corroborating
evidence in the De Luna case. The reason was simple. She believed the witness.
"We can't just not prosecute people because we don't have other evidence," Allen
said.
E. Joseph Deering / Chronicle
Though death row is in Livingston, the state's death chamber is here, in
Huntsville's Walls Unit. These prisoners do not face execution.
Prosecutors in Houston believe the system works precisely as it should. Each
capital case is examined in detail. In most, the death penalty is not sought,
they point out. They complain that national news reports describing their
affinity for the death penalty always overlook that fact.
What prosecutors don't mention, however, is that many of those cases indicted as
capital offenses barely qualify. They are ultimately reduced to noncapital
murder or less, either by decision of the prosecutor, the judge or in some cases
the jury, or more commonly through a plea agreement.
Of those cases that remain capital, a death sentence is the goal more often than
not. Since 1980, Harris County has recorded about 550 capital convictions. A
death penalty was sought in almost 60 percent of them.
Not surprisingly, there is a persistent chorus of critics, not all defense
attorneys or newspaper columnists, who think the office goes overboard, even for
Texas.
"It seems to me that there are cases going through that are not necessarily
death cases," said state District Judge Doug Shaver, a former prosecutor who
headed the 262nd District Court from 1981 to 1988 and who still serves
frequently as a visiting judge. "It is no longer reserved for the special cases
it ought to be reserved for."
And therein lies the nut that makes Houston special. The district attorney's
office does not buy into the notion that the death penalty should belong only to
the sort of heinous cases to which Shaver refers -- a female jogger snatched off
the street and killed, or a serial murderer who hops from victim to victim.
Holmes defined his job in simple terms: The law made no mention of special
cases.
Tellingly, Holmes said the hardest part of being district attorney was accepting
his office's inability to pursue more death cases than it did, not coping with
its occasional failures. It was painful, he said, to explain to families of
victims how prosecutors were constrained by law or the circumstances of their
particular cases.
"They can't understand why this person who has killed their Sarah or John cannot
be executed for it," he said.
In Houston more than anywhere else, having to settle for a life sentence, even
one that by law requires the defendant to serve a minimum of 40 years in prison,
is considered a flaw in the system.
"He's not a bloodthirsty guy," Mike Ramsey, one of Houston's top criminal
defense lawyers, said of his old friend Holmes. "He's black and white. He feels
he is doing what the law tells him to do."
Ramsey, no great fan of the death penalty, quickly added, "Therefore the law
needs to be amended."
But Holmes' legacy to Texas, at least for the foreseeable future, is a strident
law-and-order posture that few may emulate but even fewer will challenge. Like
it or not, his reign as district attorney proved one thing: If there is a limit
to public tolerance of executions, it is not easily reached.
. . . . .
FOR ALL THE attempts to bring method to capital punishment, to make it
predictable and consistent, the results are anything but. In Dallas, San Antonio
or Austin, there is a good chance that Daniel Plata's conviction would have
ended unremarkably with a life sentence because death would not have been
sought.
And Plata's case is no exception. When you get past Houston's most extreme
crimes, the rest fall into a world of gray where things that have little or
nothing to do with the depravity of the crime may determine whether the
defendant will be subject to the death penalty.
"A lot of times there aren't many differences between people who are prosecuted
for the death penalty and those who are not," acknowledged prosecutor Kaylynn
Williford, who struggled with just such a decision in 1999 in the case of a
young woman who was killed during a robbery outside a Houston shopping mall.
For those cases in which a death sentence is not a simple choice, the decision
about whether to seek it is influenced by myriad details, not just the basic
facts of a crime that may be little different from a dozen others. Sometimes the
hairs are split finely in support of a prosecutor's decision.
One killer who shoots a man during a robbery has a history that includes a
violent assault. Another kills a young woman during a carjacking and has a
record of auto theft and a weapons offense. Both are young. Which one has
committed the more heinous crime? Who is the greater danger?
One defendant tearfully confesses to his crime, the other seems remote and stays
silent. One defendant has a tattoo, the other does not. One shows some remorse
for his crime, the other shows more. One victim's family is hungry for a death
sentence, the other not so much.
In Plata's case, prosecutor Terrance Windham was impressed by something the
surveillance tape showed, something besides a screaming man blasting away at a
defenseless convenience store clerk. Moments after leaving the store, Plata
returned to wipe the glass on the front door free of any fingerprints he may
have left behind.
"It may seem like an itty-bitty thing," Windham said. "I thought that was
significant."
Such distinctions help prosecutors decide whether it is likely that a jury would
return a death verdict, one of the guiding principles Holmes set down many years
ago. For many critics of Harris County's approach to capital punishment, these
differences seem too insubstantial to be the basis of taking a life.
"I don't think we should have a system based on idiosyncrasies," said attorney
Robert Morrow, who has defended a number of capital murderers. "That's why I'm
against the death penalty -- not on moral grounds. There's just too many little
things."
The willingness to be idiosyncratic, to make those fine distinctions, is what
separates Harris County from many other district attorney's offices. By the end
of the year, its hard-nosed philosophy translates into five or 10 more death
trials than are seen in any other Texas jurisdiction. At the end of a decade or
two, that's a lot more people on death row.
"The numbers speak volumes," said experienced capital defender Alvin Nunnery, a
former Harris County prosecutor. "And they speak to the mentality of the man who
has that ultimate decision to make."
There are other prosecutors in love with the death penalty, of course.
Philadelphia and its longstanding DA Lynn Abraham are responsible for 134 of
Pennsylvania's 241 people on death row. Memphis can claim a third of Tennessee's
death row, Cincinnati a fourth of Ohio's.
What makes Houston far more lethal than other places with death-intensive
prosecution is the state and region it belongs to. Enforcement of capital murder
statutes is only half the picture. Most politicians in the 38 death penalty
states swear devotion to it. The difference with Texas, and Harris County in
particular, is in the follow through.
California has the nation's largest death row -- 582 as of Jan. 1 -- but has
executed only eight people in almost two decades. Ohio, with a death row
numbering 200, has killed one, and he volunteered. By contrast, Texas has
dispatched 242 murderers since the death house reopened in 1982. Harris County
was responsible for a quarter of those.
Everyone pointed to Holmes. However, Harris County's march to such exceptional
status is more than the story of one man. Holmes may have been far stricter in
his application of the law than other Texas prosecutors, but he could not have
pushed Houston to the top by himself.
Often overlooked in the typical, casual descriptions of the Harris County death
penalty machine are a number of favorable circumstances that Holmes had nothing
to do with. Death penalty experts in Texas say some of these circumstances
belong to the state in general:
·A capital murder statute whose design leans toward the imposition of death.
Before revision in 1991, it was even more lopsided, prompting the U.S. Supreme
Court to offer some cautionary words and a well-publicized reversal to get
lawmakers' attention.
·A decentralized criminal justice system that places the setting of execution
dates in the hands of trial court judges. This is an important difference
between Texas and many other states. Executions here largely are kept out of the
political bureaucracy of the governor's office or the top state appellate court.
When dates are consistently set, cases move along faster.
·A streamlined state appellate process with tight deadlines. Appeals do not
stall in the courts. And the ultra-conservative Texas Court of Criminal Appeals
seldom overturns a capital conviction or fails to act promptly.
·Perhaps the most conservative U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. The 5th Circuit
court, which hears all the federal appeals of Texas inmates, is so loath to
reverse convictions that one of its three-judge panels even reinstated the death
sentence of Calvin Burdine, whose attorney slept through portions of his trial.
Other contributors to a favorable climate for death penalties are local in
nature, but not necessarily less important:
·A history of ample budgets courtesy of the Commissioners Court that have
provided sufficient staff and resources. Unlike commissioners' open warfare with
the Harris County Hospital District or Medical Examiner's Office, there was
never a significant financial feud with Holmes.
·An adequate number of felony courts (22) and judges friendly to capital
sentencing in most of them. All but two of the current judges were prosecutors
in Holmes' office.
·A defense bar that until recent years was underfunded and sometimes
underqualified to adequately serve a defendant on trial for his life. Texas and
Harris County long have resisted thecreation of a public defender's office, even
one limited to capital defense. One reason might be that such offices tend to be
more successful than attorneys who take court appointments in capital murder
cases. In the death penalty hotbed of Philadelphia, for example, none of the
defendants represented by the public defender has ever been given a death
sentence.
Behind it all, pushing the execution totals ever higher, isan immense tide of
regional culture, religion and history, all of which helped set the stage for
the arrival of a prosecutor who took on the job with a literalist vision of law
and order.
The complete story, in other words, is one of confluence. By an accident of
fate, a series of circumstances that fell into place, Houston gained the deadly
distinction that has attracted the nation's attention.
"You have all the elements you need to make a very difficult system chug along,
day after day, said Dieter, the death penalty critic.
Not everyone admires the system or finds the attention desirable, but as long as
Texas keeps executing 40 inmates a year at a time when executions and death
sentences are declining everywhere else, the spotlight is not likely to go away.
. . . . .
THE HARRIS COUNTY juggernaut begins, as it must, with an indictment. In an
average year, local grand juries return 60 or more capital murder indictments.
That is far more than it could reasonably prosecute if the goal in each were a
death sentence. But Harris and most urban counties in Texas pursue capital
indictments whenever they can for two simple reasons.
One is leverage. Capital indictments tend to have a sobering effect on
defendants and their lawyers. A high number -- in some years a majority -- end
up pleading to a reduced charge.
The second is the absence of punishment options. Under the law, the only
sentence other than death is life with a 40-year minimum incarceration. If the
DA chooses not to go for death, then guilt is the only issue to settle.
For most of the last century, prosecutors could ask for the death penalty for
almost any heinous felony. Scores of men sent to Texas' death row before 1967
were convicted of rape or robbery, not murder. Juries had great leeway in
deciding whether the defendant deserved to die, so it behooved the young
prosecutor to learn the finer points of hyperbole and dramatic presentation of
evidence.
Everything changed in 1972 when the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the death
penalty in the case Furman v. Georgia. States that wanted to preserve capital
punishment had to rewrite their statutes specifically to avoid death sentences
that appeared arbitrary and capricious. One upshot of the decision was that only
murder could be considered a capital crime, spelling an end to the Southern
penchant for killing black men accused of raping white women.
Legislatures pursued two different approaches to eliminate the perceived
randomness that bothered the justices. The first, actually a throwback to
earlier times, was to make the death penalty mandatory for murder under certain
conditions. The Supreme Court rejected that approach as harsh and inflexible.
The court agreed with the tack employed by Texas, Georgia and many other states.
Their new statutes spelled out which circumstances surrounding a murder were so
aggravating as to elevate it to a capital offense -- killing in the course of
another felony such as a robbery, for instance -- then gave the jury "guided
discretion" as to how to impose or recommend the sentence.
Of all the rewritten statutes, the one crafted by Texas legislators was among
the least complicated. Once the defendant was convicted of capital murder, the
jury had only to be convinced to answer two special issues affirmatively: Did
the defendant act intentionally, and was he or she likely to be a future danger
to society? Those questions were so easy to answer yes that critics claimed the
law was as close to a mandatory death sentence as you could get.
"They were made up out of whole cloth," said former U.S. Rep. Craig Washington,
who was a Democratic state representative from Houston when the law was being
written. "Nobody sat down and thought through those things to come up with a
rational way. They made up something that sounded like it would give the jury
some guidance."
Texas' death row swelled with hundreds of new residents in the first 10 years
after capital trials resumed in 1974. Conservative appellate courts did little
to stanch the flow. The only bump in the road popped up in 1989 in the case of
Johnny Paul Penry, a mentally retarded killer whose death sentence was
overturned by the U.S. Supreme Court.
The high court ruled that Penry had not received a fair trial because the jury
did not know how to give weight to the matter of his retardation. The special
issues submitted to it did not specifically address evidence that might be
considered mitigating, in this case his limited intellect.
Worried that a failure to do something about the law might bring on more
reversals, legislators in 1991 added one more matter for juries to ponder. If
they answer yes to the first two issues, jurors are now asked whether there are
sufficient grounds to warrant a life sentence instead of death, taking all
evidence into consideration including the defendant's background, his personal
moral culpability and any mitigating circumstances.
The change gave a boost to defense lawyers. But Penry was retried before the law
changed, convicted and sent back to death row. (His scheduled November execution
was postponed by the U.S. Supreme Court.)
As it turned out, prosecutors in Texas still get plenty of death sentences.
For one thing, the availability of defendants has never waned, regardless of
steadily declining murder totals. So broad is the definition of capital murder
that the supply will always greatly exceed the prosecuting capacity of even the
most eager big-city district attorneys. Put simply, urban counties can chase as
many death sentences as they can handle.
The aggravating factors that turn a murder into capital murder now include
killing during the course of one of several specified felonies (typically rape,
robbery or burglary); killing two or more people in the same criminal incident;
killing a police officer or firefighter in the line of duty; killing a child
under 6; killing someone in a murder-for-hire scheme; killing a fellow inmate;
and killing during the course of a prison or jail escape.
If an incoming case has any of those elements, Harris County's intake division
has standing orders to file the case as a capital murder. Over the next 90 days,
prosecutors compile enough information to get an indictment, then dig further
into the defendant's background and the details of the crime as they prepare a
"Capital Murder Summary Report."
The report forms the basis of the decision whether to seek the death penalty. It
contains all the bad things that make the crime seem more heinous than normal,
such as rape, torture, killing a witness, overkill or the defendant's background
as a habitual offender. It also contains so-called mitigating circumstances,
things that weaken the state's case, such as the defendant's age, a lack of
criminal history, the presence of a mental condition or perhaps a weakness with
a confession or key witness.
The chief prosecutor handling the case makes a recommendation whether to seek
death. Two of his superiors add their votes. Ultimately, the district attorney
has to sign off on the decision, though Holmes rarely went against his
prosecutors.
"The first question in my mind is, Would a jury give death?" Holmes said. "And
is the evidence going to be sufficient to be affirmed (on appeal)?"
Rosenthal said little will change under his administration.
"My position is that we will go for a death sentence if the evidence on
punishment is compelling enough so that there's a better than average chance of
a jury determining the death penalty is appropriate," he said.
Although in Houston and Texas, respectively, this hurdle is easily cleared,
prosecutors always point out that the vast majority of cases that start out as
capital murder are not seen as death penalty cases. Even among those that are, a
prosecutor will sometimes accept a guilty plea in exchange for a life sentence.
"People don't realize we spend a lot more time with victims' families who are
criticizing us for not seeking the death penalty than we ever do for seeking it
too much," said Lyn McClellan, who has been involved with almost two dozen death
penalty cases in his 19 years in the office.
McClellan is adamant that he and his colleagues are motivated by what they see
as the right thing to do, not by a desire to build impressive statistics.
"It's not a situation where we are trying to get everyone we can (executed), and
it's not a numbers thing," he said.
Even so, the numbers are so out of line with the rest of the country that
criticism of the office is inevitable. Some prosecutors bristle at the barbs and
others try to ignore them. During a political season, when Harris County is used
as a national whipping boy, that's hard to do.
"When I see those liberals talking on television, I wish they would come down to
Houston one day and watch us pick a jury for a couple of hours," said Assistant
District Attorney Kelly Siegler, who has prosecuted 14 death penalty cases.
"They could look at the defendant and the jurors and listen to them say again
and again how they could give this person the death penalty if the facts are
right."
It's pretty simple, Siegler said. The people of Harris County believe in the
death penalty. And those same people employ the district attorney and his staff.
"All these people in New York say something is wrong with Harris County and its
prosecutors. We're rabid and zealous, they say. Those folks need to come down
here and listen to these voters," she said.
Holmes was fond of saying that no prosecutor gives the death penalty, only
people do. And he pointed out that those people are not likely to be extremists
on the issue -- they get struck off the list of potential jurors by one side or
the other. What remains, prosecutors say, is a group of flexible people
reflecting the true conscience of the community.
Some social scientists have speculated that Houston's lack of zoning reduces
segregation, both economic and racial, thereby increasing middle-class exposure
and sensitivity to crime. The upshot of that, in theory, is a jury panel more
inclined to punish than that in other cities. But the thesis has not been
tested. A recent Houston Chronicle poll shows that Harris County residents
actually are a little less supportive of the death penalty than other Texans (62
percent here support the punishment, compared with 69 percent statewide), though
of course hard-core death penalty opponents are kept off juries in death cases.
One thing that cannot be debated is the skewed bottom line. In the last five
years, for example, Harris County sent 55 killers to death row. Dallas County
sent 23. In each of those years, Dallas suffered a higher murder rate.
Zoning notwithstanding, it is hard to make a convincing case that Harris County
juries are by nature or character so different from those in other urban Texas
counties. In Dallas and San Antonio, juries return death sentences an even
higher percentage of the time than they do in Houston.
One thus inevitably turns to the policy at the top, which is responsible for
putting the cases to the juries in the first place. While Holmes was liberally
applying the death statute for two decades, why didn't his counterparts
elsewhere, many of them Republican law-and-order candidates, follow his lead?
Aren't they listening to their voters?
"I don't have the answer to that," Holmes said.
. . . . .
BY MOST ACCOUNTING measures, the business of capital punishment is a small
sideline for local prosecutors. In 1999, the most recent year for which
statistics have been compiled, they logged 24,904 felony convictions, 237 of
them for murder. Only 15 were pursued to trial as death cases.
By national standards, however, Harris County is the front door of the
slaughterhouse. Over the last two decades, its prosecutors have secured 246
death sentences and are responsible for a third of Texas' death row population.
Not content to let them just sit there, the county aggressively pursues appeals.
Only occasionally, such as in the sleeping lawyer case, are there any problems
along the way. Virginia, with its meager 30-inmate death row, won't hold the
second rung on the execution ladder for long.
In fact, thanks to the contributions from Harris County, well before the end of
this decade Texas will surpass the total number of executions it carried out
from 1924 to 1972, assuming it maintains the current pace of 30-plus a year.
"If you had asked us back in 1973 to project the kind of numbers we would be
looking at, either having been executed or ... on death row, we would have
missed by miles the kind of numbers Texas is putting out now," former lawmaker
Washington said. "Most of us probably thought we were enacting a law that would
seldom be used."
So numerous are the executions that capital cases no longer command the
headlines they once did. With a few sensational exceptions, they pass through
the courts almost routinely, business as usual in a place that has grown
accustomed to extremes of crime and punishment.
Only the usual suspects -- death penalty abolitionists, minority politicians and
liberal law professors -- ever seem to squawk about this or any aspect of Harris
County's capital punishment practices. Holmes ran for office for two decades
without a strong re-election test. The judges with reservations about those
practices seldom made their opinions known publicly.
"If the local folks wanted something else, why am I still here?" Holmes said
shortly before ending his tenure.
In other parts of the country, there is something approaching a natural
ambivalence about the death penalty, a hesitant yin to the steady yang of
conviction. A significant portion of the political, cultural and social elites
in these places is uncomfortable with the demographics of death row or the
process that leads to it, and they find ways to hamstring the process.
This may show up subtly -- judges who move slowly on appealed verdicts,
prosecutors who don't push hard for execution dates -- or more obviously, as
with governors who grant commutations or don't sign death warrants. Just last
month in San Francisco, District Attorney Terence Hallinan announced a personal
moratorium on seeking the death penalty because of concerns that it was not
being applied fairly or appropriately.
In Houston, the death penalty has never been an issue. Even today, with Houston
characterized by capital punishment activists as a bastion of bloodlust, there
is no indication of worry among the business class that any real damage is being
done. In his campaign against Rosenthal, Jim Dougherty made reducing the number
of death cases a central issue and was fortunate to get 45 percent of the vote.
"If the Greater Houston Partnership had an interest in this issue, it could have
a great impact on it," said Richard Fisher, a social scientist at the University
of Houston. "Clearly, they do not care. We have not seen civic elites play a
moderating role on the more reactionary elements. The elites were not concerned
with what was going on here. They could leave it to a second strata of civic
leaders to focus on that."
James Marquart, a well-known criminologist at Sam Houston State University in
Huntsville, said the continuing support of the power elite, whether in Houston
or New York, is essential to keeping the death penalty.
"Support at this level translates to political power, etc., and the right to be
heard in Austin," Marquart said. "Once support crumbles at this level, you will
see change. I think this happened in the late 1960s and led to Furman."
Evidence for this notion comes most obviously from Europe, where political
leaders outlawed the death penalty despite strong public support for it. Though
one would never know it from the rhetoric in the press, opinion polls continue
to reflect that support.
Even the Swedes are not so different. A poll in 1997 found 49 percent calling
for a restoration of the death penalty. The country's justice minister dismissed
the results, saying it was just an emotional response to increasing violence,
not something the people really wanted.
American politicians, so easily sent packing by local voters, would not have
been so quick to pooh-pooh the public.
"American politics are more populist," said Harvard Law School professor Carol
Steiker. "They could not do that here."
Holmes always said that his black-and-white posture toward capital murder is
consistent with public opinion, that voters want nothing less than the strictest
accountability for murderers.
Absent any local controversy, there is little direct evidence to contradict him.
But then, citizens have not risen in revolt in other Texas counties where the
death penalty is used more sparingly. One scholar of the death penalty says they
never will.
Robert Weisberg, a professor of law at Stanford University, has studied capital
punishment extensively and concluded it exists mostly as a symbolic issue. As
long as politicians say they are in favor of it and occasionally execute
someone, the public is satisfied and a "cultural equilibrium" is maintained, he
said.
Voters may not reject a district attorney such as Holmes who pushes through a
lot of death penalty cases, he said, but neither do they demand someone like
him.
Former Harris County prosecutor Brad Beers agreed that political necessity does
not require Rosenthal or any successor to pump out a particular number of death
penalties.
"If the next DA only prosecuted half as many capital (death) cases, the half
that got prosecuted will be the real attention-getters," Beers said. "He will
still be going after the cases with curb appeal."
The cases that fall by the wayside, he said, would be the obscure ones -- the
ones that nobody other than the families affected seems to recall when the
inmate is finally put to death.
Though Weisberg gives credit to Holmes for showing a commitment to principle and
not just political convenience, he argues that it is precisely that commitment
that may threaten the system that Holmes so respects.
"The system is out of equilibrium now," he said. "When you get a few too many
executions, you stir up the people who won't be concerned with this issue
normally and you increase the possibility of executing someone who appears to be
innocent."
Harris County, he said, has contributed too many executions for the balance to
be maintained. Ironically, Graham's execution last summer and the record-setting
total of 40 reached by Texas in 2000 have given fuel to the opposition and put
the state on the cover of every news magazine and big newspaper in the country.
Legislation that would authorize life without parole as another alternative to
death might have a better chance of passing this year than ever before.
. . . . .
THE FACT THAT one jurisdiction in Texas can greatly skew not just state but
national death penalty statistics underscores the awesome power that resides
with one person.
Legal activist Stephen Bright, director of the Southern Center for Human Rights
and a death penalty opponent, cites one instance after another around the
country where a county's death cases suddenly jumped after a change in district
attorney.
"It shows the tremendous discretion that prosecutors have," he said. "This is
the least understood aspect of capital punishment. We are talking of enormous
discretion, both with respect to seeking the death penalty and also whether to
accept a plea bargain."
Holmes cherishes that kind of independence. Others criticize it, saying it leads
to unequal application of the law. Former Texas Attorney General Jim Mattox
complains there is no meaningful standard for Texas prosecutors to go by and no
overall supervision of them.
"Everyone operates in their own little system out there," Mattox said. "And that
creates an unstandardized process.
"Having such a fragmented system at the bottom might not be such a problem if
you could get a system at the top that brings about the proper kind of review,
which doesn't happen in Texas."
Bright argues for some sort of check on a district attorney's unfettered
authority to seek death sentences, though how he would accomplish such a thing
is unclear. One proposal offered in New York would create a state committee to
make the life-or-death decision. This idea was inspired by a situation in which
a local district attorney all but refused to pursue the death penalty.
"Our criminal justice system gives too much unreviewed power to prosecutors
generally," Bright said. "People in Europe can't believe it. There, it is much
more of a centralized, professional system."
Some states, Florida most notably, have adopted a "proportionality review" in
which their highest courts try to even out sentences handed down for crimes of
similar circumstances. Legal scholars are skeptical of the success of these
reviews, and in any case appellate courts can do nothing to reconcile differing
visions of how a prosecutor should do his job.
In most jurisdictions, Bright's concern is mooted by a practical constraint --
money. Death cases are too expensive for most district attorneys to pursue
whenever they wish. Holmes, however, had the resources to get the most out of
his discretion. During his tenure, the office's budget more than tripled. The
number of attorneys nearly doubled, to 230 from 120.
All the state's top prosecutors, be they in Dallas or Dalhart, say they evaluate
cases the same way, one by one, in accordance with the law and the circumstances
of the crime. As a practical matter, however, there are limitations.
"It shuts down a court for as much as 10 weeks," said Jason January, a senior
felony prosecutor in Dallas who handles mostly capital trials. "We can't take
that lightly. We've got 20,000 felonies we are trying to move through 14
courts."
Comparing Dallas with Houston is apples to oranges, January said.
"Their (county) commissioners provide them with a much higher budget to do what
they want to do," he said.
For years Dallas was led by District Attorney Henry Wade, a gung-ho prosecutor
whose office was famous for its death penalties and notorious for its reversals.
After the death penalty hiatus and reinstatement, he and his assistants were
somewhat more judicious in their prosecutions.
"He was very concerned about running a tight ship financially," said former
assistant Bob Hinton Jr., now president of the Texas Criminal Defense Lawyers
Association. "Wade was trying to work with county commissioners on a budget that
would allow the DA's office to offer salaries commensurate with what young trial
lawyers could make in the marketplace. It was important that there not be any
surprises."
Former Houston state District Judge Jay Burnett, now a local defense attorney,
says flatly that Dallas simply has never wanted to spend the money to try that
many death cases.
"Nobody sees it as an economic issue" in Harris County, Burnett said. "They
don't see it as money coming out of their pockets. Dallas has always been
conservative economically."
Over the last 20 years, the budget for the Harris County District Attorney's
Office has increased steadily, to more than $30 million from $8.3 million.
Dallas has a budget about a third lower. This reflects a smaller overall
caseload, of course.
But when it comes to cases indicted as capital murder, the disparity is not
always so great. In fact, Dallas has had recent years when its prosecutors have
had more capital cases to handle than their Houston counterparts. That's where
the extra money and courts make a difference.
When Harris County commissioners have needed to cut corners, it has not been at
the DA's expense. This point was made with emphasis during one recent budget
session. Other department heads begged for understanding of their needs and were
grilled at length. Not so Holmes.
He walked to the front of the room, sat down and said: "You bottom-lined us with
$24.1 million. We can live with that. Any questions?"
There were none.
Smaller counties have an even bigger issue with money. Capital cases can wreck a
budget and exhaust personnel. Rural counties especially approach them very
carefully. Several years ago, the district attorney for Mason County in the Hill
Country plea-bargained a triple-homicide -- a no-brainer death case in a big
city -- to avoid the expense of a capital trial.
Then there was Jasper, home to the notorious and racially motivated dragging
death of James Byrd Jr. Jasper County commissioners had to come up with
additional money to cover trial expenses for the three defendants. Given the
national attention to the heinous act, there seemed no alternative.
But a man already in the Jasper County Jail charged with capital murder, as well
as one who arrived shortly after the Byrd defendants, quietly pleaded guilty in
exchange for life sentences -- the standard practice. Before the Byrd trials,
Jasper County had sent exactly one killer to death row in 25 years. Another 138
Texas counties have never sent anyone.
"I guess that would always be one of the factors, the dollars and cents of the
whole thing," said a Jasper attorney in private practice.
For Harris County prosecutors, it never enters into the equation. The county has
22 district courts to handle felonies, three prosecutors for each court, an
abundance of support staff, money for visiting judges to help control dockets
(especially during capital trials), funds for expert witnesses when needed and
all the forensic and technical resources that come from working in a city with a
large police force.
"The best way I can explain (Houston's high number of death penalties) is to say
there's a different review process here than in other jurisdictions," said Rusty
Hardin, a local prosecutor for 15 years before moving into private practice.
"This office does not make decisions based on resources. Ninety-nine percent of
the other district attorneys do make resource-based decisions."
When money and time are not great considerations, the pool of potential death
cases is greatly expanded, said Hardin, who prosecuted Gary Graham, the
one-witness case that many other counties might have pleaded out as a matter of
routine.
"Most offices do not take the charging and trying process as literally as Harris
County does," Hardin said. "Johnny has always taken a very literal view of his
role as a prosecutor. And he has never felt the pressure of meeting other
people's expectations."
Then there is the considerable matter of momentum. Because Holmes' office became
so accustomed to trying death cases, prosecutors are comfortable with them. They
face no learning curve, no anxiety over unfamiliar rules and procedures.
The more success they experience, the more they are willing to do it again, and
the more convinced they become of the likelihood of juries returning death
verdicts. Prosecutor Siegler secured a death sentence in all but one of the 14
death cases she has tried.
"They become experts at capital prosecution," said UH law professor David Dow.
"Smaller counties won't pursue them because they don't want to risk losing. They
are confident in Harris County that they are going to win, and it's not an
unwarranted confidence."
Since criminal district judges almost invariably come from the district
attorney's office -- 20 of the current 22 did -- they assume the position with
plenty of capital experience. Trials go easily, and major mistakes in rulings
are few. Harris County's reversal rate is notably lower than that of Dallas.
"Places that don't try them very much have problems with them," said Ted Poe,
the county's senior criminal court judge. "The judges here don't need a manual
on how to try these cases, and neither do the lawyers."
The system, as one defense attorney put it, feeds on itself. At no point is
there resistance, not from the public, the media or the judiciary. Trial judges
are not the thorn in the side they can be in more liberal places, especially
places where judges are appointed instead of elected.
The only local source of disagreement, predictably, comes from defense lawyers.
Though Holmes' integrity was widely accepted by the local defense bar, his
attitude toward death penalty prosecutions was not.
"I think Harris County is so used to the death penalty defining the office,"
said Jim Leitner, a former prosecutor who ran against Rosenthal in the
Republican primary. "As long as that is the prevailing view, there are going to
be a lot of capital murder prosecutions. People in other counties don't see it
that way."
Their literal view notwithstanding, Holmes and his assistants still must pick
and choose. Despite abundant resources, they could not pursue the death penalty
in all capital cases even if they wanted to. Trying 30 or more death cases a
year would turn the courts into a quagmire.
At best, they can do about 15. Leitner insists even that is far too many. Most
defense lawyers and some former judges agree with him. Bexar County, they point
out in contrast, had 244 murders in 1992 and sought the death penalty only once.
"I think we kill a lot of people who don't fit the statute," Leitner said.
Staff writer Steve Brewer contributed to this report.
A Deadly Distinction, HC, Feb. 5, 2001, 6:54PM,
http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/ssistory.mpl/special/penalty/813783
U.S. capital punishment
history
The Houston
Chronicle
Feb. 2, 2001, 5:12PM
June 29, 1972:
The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in the case of Furman v. Georgia that the death
penalty as then applied constituted cruel and unusual punishment. States were
ordered to stop executions. In Texas, the 52 men under a death sentence had
their sentences commuted by the governor. Death row was clear by the following
March.
July 2, 1976: After Texas and several other states revised their capital
punishment laws, the Supreme Court declared in a series of rulings that
executions could resume. Among the changes, inmates could be put to death only
for certain murders and not for other crimes, such as rape or robbery.
Jan. 17, 1977: A firing squad in Utah executed Gary Gilmore, ushering in what is
often called the modern era of capital punishment in the United States. Gilmore,
condemned for the robbery-slaying of a Brigham Young University student, refused
efforts to spare his life.
Dec. 7, 1982: Charlie Brooks of Tarrant County became the first killer put to
death in Texas in the modern era when he was executed by injection for
kidnapping and murdering a Fort Worth auto mechanic. Since then, 241 others have
followed him, making Texas by far the nation’s leader.
U.S. capital punishment
history, HC, Feb. 2, 2001, 5:12PM,
http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/ssistory.mpl/special/penalty/813211
The gas chamber at Parchman. It was first used
in 1955 and last used in 1989.
Photograph courtesy Mississippi Department of
Corrections
The History of Capital Punishment in Mississippi: An Overview
by Donald A. Cabana.
Added
10.11.2004.
http://mshistory.k12.ms.us/features/feature57/gaschamber.htm
http://mshistory.k12.ms.us/features/feature57/punishment.htm
The lethal injection room at
Parchman. Lethal injection was first used in 2002.
Photograph courtesy Mississippi Department of
Corrections
The History of Capital Punishment in Mississippi:
An Overview
by Donald A. Cabana. Copié 10.11.2004.
http://mshistory.k12.ms.us/features/feature57/electric.htm
http://mshistory.k12.ms.us/features/feature57/punishment.htm
Crowd of young males gathered at curb
with executioner Jimmy Thompson and the portable electric chair.
Photograph courtesy Mississippi Department of Archives and History.
Call
no.B2/R72/B5/S4/Box 6/PI/COL/K56.5
The History of Capital Punishment in Mississippi: An Overview
by Donald A. Cabana. Added 10.11.2004.
http://mshistory.k12.ms.us/features/feature57/chair.htm
http://mshistory.k12.ms.us/features/feature57/punishment.htm
Hanging was the method of execution
in Mississippi until 1940.
It was the most favored form of capital punishment
(death penalty for a crime)
in many states for decades. This 1896 public hanging occurred in Carrollton,
Missouri.
Photograph courtesy Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division
LC-USZ62-79432
The History of Capital Punishment in Mississippi: An Overview
by Donald A. Cabana. added 10.11.2004.
http://mshistory.k12.ms.us/features/feature57/hanging.htm
http://mshistory.k12.ms.us/features/feature57/punishment.htm
The pillory was used in Colonial America as a
form of corporal punishment
(punishment applied to the body of an offender,
such as whipping or imprisonment).
A circa 1907 Delaware photograph of two
prisoners in a pillory
with another tied to the whipping post below.
Photograph courtesy Library of Congress Prints and Photographs
Division
LC-USZ62-98905
The History of Capital Punishment in Mississippi: An Overview
by Donald A. Cabana. Added 10.11.2004.
http://mshistory.k12.ms.us/features/feature57/pillory.htm
http://mshistory.k12.ms.us/features/feature57/punishment.htm
[Washington, D.C. Soldier springing the trap;
men in trees and Capitol dome
beyond].
CREATED/PUBLISHED
[1865 November 10]
SUMMARY
Photograph of Washington, 1862-1865,
the execution of Captain
Henry Wirz,
November 1865.
NOTES
Reference: Civil War photographs, 1861-1865 /
compiled by Hirst D. Milhollen and
Donald H. Mugridge,
Washington, D.C. : Library of Congress, 1977. No. 0857
Title from Milhollen and Mugridge.
Forms part of Selected Civil War photographs, 1861-1865 (Library of Congress)
Photograph 4 of 13
Digital ID: cwp 4a40200
Source: intermediary roll film
http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/I?cwar:4:./temp/~ammem_acGy::displayType=1:m856sd=cwpb:m856sf=04196:@@@
"The notorious superintendent of the
Confederate prison at Andersonville, Georgia,
was tried by a military commission presided over by General Lew Wallace from
August 23 to October 24, 1865,
and was hanged in the yard of the Old Capitol Prison on November 10."
http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/cwphtml/tl1865.html
Related
Death Penalty Information Center (DPIC)
https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/
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